Chicago: O. L. Baskin & Co. 1882. First edition. Hardcover. Very Good. 4to 362 156 pages modern cloth top cover titling from the original binding in place. Scarce. <br/><br/>Part One is historical Part Two is biographical. The 9 portraits include the 3 contributing editors plus six other pioneers. The first county history of Grundy County Buck 827 . Note: Laid in is an Index to the Biographical Sketches in this work in alphabetical order; also this was published without the usual map of the county. O. L. Baskin & Co. hardcover
Springfield Chicago 1860. 16pp. Caption title as issued. Disbound else Very Good. <br /> <br /> This Illinois campaign document is probably the first of three printings each with similar but not identical material. Each attacks Douglas for hypocrisy on the question of Congressional power to control slavery in the Territories. Each paints him as an extreme Southern Rights partisan supporting the Dred Scott Decision and scuttling the Missouri Compromise. <br /> It is as Ernie Wessen noted "a most important Lincoln campaign document; quoting heavily from Lincoln's Columbus speech." <br /> In his early public career Douglas had extolled the immutable nature of the 1820 Missouri Compromise and insisted that Congress had full power over the Territories. But in 1854 leading the Kansas-Nebraska Act forces and advocating Popular Sovereignty he changed horses: only a Territory's inhabitants could decide whether to bar slavery within its borders. His attempt to reconcile the Dred Scott Decision with Popular Sovereignty and his unconcern with slavery as a social and moral question are mocked and scorned. <br /> FIRST EDITION. LCP 8794. Sabin 20696n. Not in Monaghan Eberstadt Decker Miles Ante-Fire Imprints. 97 Midland Notes 308. unknown
Springfield 1860. Caption title as issued. Disbound else Very Good. <br /> <br /> This Illinois campaign document leads with the letter of Edward Bates the old Missouri Know-Nothing to Orville Browning endorsing the Lincoln-Hamlin ticket denouncing the "wanton and reckless" Democrats asserting that "the national government has sovereign power over the Territories and that it would be impolitic and unwise to use that power for the propagation of negro slavery." Lincoln is "a sound safe national man. He could not be sectional if he tried." <br /> Monaghan 27 records a separate printing of Bates's endorsement. Our document also prints the Republican Douglas Democrat and Breckinridge Democrat platforms; examines the pro-slavery record of Douglas's running mate Herschel Johnson of Georgia; chronicles the disastrous results of Douglas's Squatter Sovereignty policy and his failed position on "The Everlasting Nigger Question;" and finally prints Lincoln's and Hamlin's letters of acceptance.<br /> FIRST EDITION. Monaghan 27 note. Not in Eberstadt Decker Sabin Miles LCP. unknown
Springfield Chicago 1860. 16pp. Caption title as issued. Disbound with some loosening paper clip shadow on first and last leaves. Printed in two columns per page. Good. <br/> <br/> This Illinois campaign document is probably the first of three printings each with similar but not identical material. Each attacks Douglas for hypocrisy on the question of Congressional power to control slavery in the Territories. Each paints him as an extreme Southern Rights partisan supporting the Dred Scott Decision and scuttling the Missouri Compromise. <br/> In his early public career Douglas had extolled the immutable nature of the 1820 Missouri Compromise and insisted that Congress had full power over the Territories. But in 1854 leading the Kansas-Nebraska Act forces and advocating Popular Sovereignty he changed horses: only a Territory's inhabitants could decide whether to bar slavery within its borders. His attempt to reconcile the Dred Scott Decision with Popular Sovereignty and his unconcern with slavery as a social and moral question are mocked and scorned. <br/>FIRST EDITION. LCP 8794. Sabin 20696n. Not in Eberstadt Decker Miles Ante-Fire Imprints. unknown books
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