17.648 resultados
ref. 207534Paris, Imprimerie impériale, s.d. (1804) in-8, une page, en feuille.
1662ref. 17557Lyon, Michel Goy, 1662 ; in-4, veau jaspé, dos à nerfs décoré et doré, titre doré, tranches mouchetées de rouge (reliure de l'époque) ; 156 pp. , (4) pp. Relié à la suite : Ordonnances de nos Juges et Commissaires députez [...] pour le fait de la Police de la Ville de Lyon et Faux-bourgs ; 8 pp. (du 29 décembre 1655).Relié à la suite : Tarif provisionnel sur le prix des trois sortes de Pain, que doivent debiter les Bolangers de la Ville de Lyon, et Faux-bourgs d'icelle [...] du 7 septembre 1677, Lyon, Jean Ayné Ollier, 1687.
1893ref. 14034Genève, la Maison Ernest Meyer, [1893]. Grand in-4 de [4]-207-[5] pages, pleine percaline bleue avec décor en noir et titre doré au premier plat, décor à froid au second, dos muet.
First Edition, 32 pp., pamphlet with a marbled paper spine. A defence of the administration against the popular clamour against the Convention. Kress, 4437; Goldsmith, 7669; Hanson, 5292.
ref. 175201À Amsterdam, Chez Jacques Cœur, 1756 3 vol. in-12, VIII-436 pp., VI-434 pp. et 388 pp., bradel papier vert (reliure moderne). Cachet de la bibliothèque d'un séminaire allemand.
In-8, broché, couverture papier moderne, tranches rouges, 35 p., rousseurs. Edition originale. Goudard expose son projet de nouveau tarif conçu autour de la réduction des droits d'entrée sur les matières premières, afin de réduire le prix de produits manufacturés, de favoriser la consommation intérieure et les exportations. Suivi du "Projet de décret" qui fut adopté en l'état. (Goldsmiths, 'Online catalogue', n° 14941.21. Stourm, p. 169).
ref. 26678Paris, Imprimerie nationale, [1791]. In-8, broché, couverture papier moderne, tranches rouges, 35 p., rousseurs.
ref. 4003Saïgon, Direction de l'Agriculture et du Commerce 1898-1899, Imprimerie Coloniale, 1900. 1 fort volume in-8, 764 pp. - XI pp. de table des matières, reliure d'époque demi-basane à coins, plats cartonnés, reliure usée et frottée, intérieur en bon état, bon état général. Ouvrage enrichi de nombreux tableaux.
ref. 207531Paris, Imprimerie impériale, s.d. (1804) in-8, 2 pp., en feuille.
ref. 206137Paris, Impr. de la République, An III in-8, 2 pp.
1814ref. 38942London: Printed by R.G. Clarke 1814. England Seeks a Trading Foothold in South America The final settlement between England and Spain at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. An important treaty which guarantees for England most favored nation status in the event of the commerce of Spanish America being opened to foreign trade. Includes an article of agreement regarding the injustice and inhumane nature of the traffic in slaves and a SEPARATE ARTICLE stipulating that the king of Spain not engage in any treaty with France "of the nature not known under the domination of the Family Compact." Printed in English and Spanish. Modern half morocco and marbled boards. Near fine. hardcover
1814ref. 38942London: Printed by R.G. Clarke 1814. England Seeks a Trading Foothold in South America The final settlement between England and Spain at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. An important treaty which guarantees for England most favored nation status in the event of the commerce of Spanish America being opened to foreign trade. Includes an article of agreement regarding the injustice and inhumane nature of the traffic in slaves and a SEPARATE ARTICLE stipulating that the king of Spain not engage in any treaty with France "of the nature not known under the domination of the Family Compact." Printed in English and Spanish. Modern half morocco and marbled boards. Near fine. hardcover books
1835ref. BK0025New York City 1835. Autograph letter signed by the merchant firm Baker & Moore 4 pp. addressed to General William Battey care of Dr. Charles Luzenberg at the Franklin Infirmary on the Pontchartrain Railroad New Orleans. Stampless folded letter with red circular "NEW-YORK" December 31 datestamp and manuscript "25" rate. Appx. 1000 words. File folds; otherwise very good. A lengthy commercial letter written thirteen days after the Great Fire of New York describing the destruction of the city's mercantile district and tracing its immediate effects through insurance capital banking commodity prices and trade with New Orleans. Written by the New York firm of Baker & Moore to their associate William Battey the letter provides a near-contemporary account of the fire an assessment of the city's financial resilience and instructions for exploiting the resulting fluctuations in the markets for brandy wine raisins tobacco iron and copper. The fire began on the evening of December 16 during an extraordinary cold spell and northwest gale. Frozen hydrants wells cisterns and hoses left the city's volunteer fire companies largely unable to contain it. By the following day the fire had destroyed much of the commercial district between Wall Street and the East River including the Merchants' Exchange and hundreds of stores and warehouses. Buildings were eventually demolished with gunpowder to create firebreaks at Exchange Place and Coenties Slip. Contemporary estimates varied but approximately 674 buildings were destroyed with losses eventually placed at twenty million dollars or more.1 Baker & Moore begin by describing the extent of the burned district the severe weather and the use of explosives to arrest the flames: "Since my last you have no doubt received the paper sent you giving particulars of the great calamity which has befallen our City. On the 16th our City was about half burned up. From Coffee House Slip to Coenties Slip by the water & William Street is all in ruins. There is but one store left in that whole district. It was one of the coldest nights that we ever experienced & the wind blew a gale from Northwest. The fire broke out in the rear of the Exchange and went down through to the water spreading both ways and would have undoubtedly continued on but for the wide slips of Coffee House & Coenties Slip with the occasional blowing up of some stores & houses with powder to check the flame in its progress" The account quickly turns from the physical destruction to the distribution of its financial losses: "The destruction of property is immense probably from 10 to 15000000$ and it was supposed that many would be ruined but tis remarkable so far we have not heard of one. The Banks have been liberal and there has been a proper and benevolent feeling manifested throughout & should some further aid be brought in which probably will from the State or general government we think there may be no failures. The Insurance companies most of them are ruined and the principal loss is in Insurance capital. The loss will in some instances fall upon those who cannot well afford it. Many widows & orphans have had their all taken from them. The loss is large and New York has met with a great calamity but she is made of such materials & her facilities are so large & varied that the mercantile community will bear up under more than any other place in the Union & we think in one year's time it will be almost forgotten." The confidence expressed here correctly anticipated the city's rapid commercial recovery. Banks and government agencies extended credit and payment terms rebuilding began almost immediately and the burned district was reconstructed with new countinghouses and warehouses. The disaster also exposed the inadequacy of New York's water supply and firefighting arrangements contributing to later infrastructure and institutional reforms. Baker & Moore then apply the disaster to their own trade with New Orleans. Hundreds of warehouses and their contents had been destroyed increasing prices of imported foods wines and spirits. The firm instructs Battey to use the New York price current to obtain higher prices for their consignments: "This fire has advanced most all kinds of goods. Raisins are worth here $3-$3½. Wines such as Mess. Eastman's have advanced with us 4-6 cents. So many hundred casks destroyed must advance it and make it higher through the season. More than one half the Brandy was consumed tis now selling at $1.75 and some are asking $2. We wish what we sent you sold & this will be a favorable time to sell-show N.Y. price current-and get as good a price as you can. There will we think be no want of Brandy. Those raisins we think you had better dispose of at once. We think from N.O. current must pay something handsome for us. In regard to old Iron we find good old iron will always sell for the money for 112½ gross hundred equal to 1c per lb. Cast & wrought are same price. If you can come across a lot to do you may make it answer & pay us well. Copper if you can buy low enough may pay something. We thought hay might pay out but tis so high we cannot buy to send. We are of opinion that goods generally will be higher in consequence of this fire yet when we consign goods we wish them sold when they can to pay and we wish Eastman & Co. to sell and close up our affairs in their hands." The concluding paragraph briefly introduces events in Florida. The Second Seminole War had begun that month following mounting resistance to the forced removal of the Seminole people from Florida. Baker & Moore believed that the conflict might affect the movements of a brig expected in New Orleans: "We observe that trouble is anticipated with the Indians in Florida & if so our Brig may not get a load of them & be in N. Orleans earlier than we anticipated tis uncertain what will be the result they may detain her longer until they can get them on board." The wording appears to indicate that the vessel was expected to transport a group of Native people although the letter does not identify the brig its owners or the precise circumstances of the contemplated voyage. The recipient General William Battey was then in New Orleans apparently acting as Baker & Moore's commercial representative while also attending to his health at the Franklin Infirmary. The firm gave him considerable discretion to supervise consignments collect funds purchase goods when opportunities arose and forward current market information to New York. The address places him in the care of Dr. Charles Aloysius Luzenberg who founded the Franklin Infirmary with municipal support in 1835 and subsequently helped establish the Medical College of Louisiana the forerunner of Tulane's medical school.2 Baker & Moore appear to have been commission or importing merchants whose own affairs escaped direct damage but whose trade was immediately altered by the destruction of competing inventories. The letter thus follows the fire from the burned commercial district into the decisions of a New York firm and its representative in New Orleans. A substantial contemporary account of the Great Fire of 1835 documenting the destruction of New York's commercial center and the disaster's immediate movement through insurance banking commodity markets interregional credit and trade with New Orleans. We find no similar examples on the secondary market or in auction records. 1 Herbert Asbury "The Great Fire of 1835" The New Yorker July 26 1930. 2 Louisiana Historical Association "Luzenberg Charles Aloysius" in Dictionary of Louisiana Biography accessed August 2 2026 https://www.lahistory.org/resources/dictionary-louisiana-biography/dictionary-of-louisiana-biography-l/. . unknown
1835ref. BK0025New York City 1835. Autograph letter signed by the merchant firm Baker & Moore 4 pp. addressed to General William Battey care of Dr. Charles Luzenberg at the Franklin Infirmary on the Pontchartrain Railroad New Orleans. Stampless folded letter with red circular "NEW-YORK" December 31 datestamp and manuscript "25" rate. Appx. 1000 words. File folds; otherwise very good. A lengthy commercial letter written thirteen days after the Great Fire of New York describing the destruction of the city's mercantile district and tracing its immediate effects through insurance capital banking commodity prices and trade with New Orleans. Written by the New York firm of Baker & Moore to their associate William Battey the letter provides a near-contemporary account of the fire an assessment of the city's financial resilience and instructions for exploiting the resulting fluctuations in the markets for brandy wine raisins tobacco iron and copper. The fire began on the evening of December 16 during an extraordinary cold spell and northwest gale. Frozen hydrants wells cisterns and hoses left the city's volunteer fire companies largely unable to contain it. By the following day the fire had destroyed much of the commercial district between Wall Street and the East River including the Merchants' Exchange and hundreds of stores and warehouses. Buildings were eventually demolished with gunpowder to create firebreaks at Exchange Place and Coenties Slip. Contemporary estimates varied but approximately 674 buildings were destroyed with losses eventually placed at twenty million dollars or more.1 Baker & Moore begin by describing the extent of the burned district the severe weather and the use of explosives to arrest the flames: "Since my last you have no doubt received the paper sent you giving particulars of the great calamity which has befallen our City. On the 16th our City was about half burned up. From Coffee House Slip to Coenties Slip by the water & William Street is all in ruins. There is but one store left in that whole district. It was one of the coldest nights that we ever experienced & the wind blew a gale from Northwest. The fire broke out in the rear of the Exchange and went down through to the water spreading both ways and would have undoubtedly continued on but for the wide slips of Coffee House & Coenties Slip with the occasional blowing up of some stores & houses with powder to check the flame in its progress" The account quickly turns from the physical destruction to the distribution of its financial losses: "The destruction of property is immense probably from 10 to 15000000$ and it was supposed that many would be ruined but tis remarkable so far we have not heard of one. The Banks have been liberal and there has been a proper and benevolent feeling manifested throughout & should some further aid be brought in which probably will from the State or general government we think there may be no failures. The Insurance companies most of them are ruined and the principal loss is in Insurance capital. The loss will in some instances fall upon those who cannot well afford it. Many widows & orphans have had their all taken from them. The loss is large and New York has met with a great calamity but she is made of such materials & her facilities are so large & varied that the mercantile community will bear up under more than any other place in the Union & we think in one year's time it will be almost forgotten." The confidence expressed here correctly anticipated the city's rapid commercial recovery. Banks and government agencies extended credit and payment terms rebuilding began almost immediately and the burned district was reconstructed with new countinghouses and warehouses. The disaster also exposed the inadequacy of New York's water supply and firefighting arrangements contributing to later infrastructure and institutional reforms. Baker & Moore then apply the disaster to their own trade with New Orleans. Hundreds of warehouses and their contents had been destroyed increasing prices of imported foods wines and spirits. The firm instructs Battey to use the New York price current to obtain higher prices for their consignments: "This fire has advanced most all kinds of goods. Raisins are worth here $3-$3½. Wines such as Mess. Eastman's have advanced with us 4-6 cents. So many hundred casks destroyed must advance it and make it higher through the season. More than one half the Brandy was consumed tis now selling at $1.75 and some are asking $2. We wish what we sent you sold & this will be a favorable time to sell-show N.Y. price current-and get as good a price as you can. There will we think be no want of Brandy. Those raisins we think you had better dispose of at once. We think from N.O. current must pay something handsome for us. In regard to old Iron we find good old iron will always sell for the money for 112½ gross hundred equal to 1c per lb. Cast & wrought are same price. If you can come across a lot to do you may make it answer & pay us well. Copper if you can buy low enough may pay something. We thought hay might pay out but tis so high we cannot buy to send. We are of opinion that goods generally will be higher in consequence of this fire yet when we consign goods we wish them sold when they can to pay and we wish Eastman & Co. to sell and close up our affairs in their hands." The concluding paragraph briefly introduces events in Florida. The Second Seminole War had begun that month following mounting resistance to the forced removal of the Seminole people from Florida. Baker & Moore believed that the conflict might affect the movements of a brig expected in New Orleans: "We observe that trouble is anticipated with the Indians in Florida & if so our Brig may not get a load of them & be in N. Orleans earlier than we anticipated tis uncertain what will be the result they may detain her longer until they can get them on board." The wording appears to indicate that the vessel was expected to transport a group of Native people although the letter does not identify the brig its owners or the precise circumstances of the contemplated voyage. The recipient General William Battey was then in New Orleans apparently acting as Baker & Moore's commercial representative while also attending to his health at the Franklin Infirmary. The firm gave him considerable discretion to supervise consignments collect funds purchase goods when opportunities arose and forward current market information to New York. The address places him in the care of Dr. Charles Aloysius Luzenberg who founded the Franklin Infirmary with municipal support in 1835 and subsequently helped establish the Medical College of Louisiana the forerunner of Tulane's medical school.2 Baker & Moore appear to have been commission or importing merchants whose own affairs escaped direct damage but whose trade was immediately altered by the destruction of competing inventories. The letter thus follows the fire from the burned commercial district into the decisions of a New York firm and its representative in New Orleans. A substantial contemporary account of the Great Fire of 1835 documenting the destruction of New York's commercial center and the disaster's immediate movement through insurance banking commodity markets interregional credit and trade with New Orleans. We find no similar examples on the secondary market or in auction records. 1 Herbert Asbury "The Great Fire of 1835" The New Yorker July 26 1930. 2 Louisiana Historical Association "Luzenberg Charles Aloysius" in Dictionary of Louisiana Biography accessed August 2 2026 https://www.lahistory.org/resources/dictionary-louisiana-biography/dictionary-of-louisiana-biography-l/. . unknown books
1909ref. List3421Ohio Illinois Michigan and Ontario 1909. Seventy-four letters in thirty-seven envelopes mainly dating between 1885 and 1895. With two undated and one empty envelope. Conditions vary with a few letters having damage intersecting with significant amounts of text and others Near Fine. Overall excellent. A collection of letters mainly sent between Captain William Faragher 1842–1921 and his second wife Harriet Chamberlin 1853–1920 with several from Faragher’s children from his first marriage Burton 1872–1961 and Maude 1875–1952. Most letters are from Chamberlin to Faragher with fourteen from Faragher to Chamberlin. Faragher owned and captained several merchant ships in Lake Erie and Lake St. Clair—presumably sailboats as he frequently complains of having been stuck without wind. He also describes more severe weather out on the lake writing from St. Clair Michigan: “I am anxious to get down from here but as the day advanced the wind began to frisken and it began to snow hard and as it was freezing hard it had rained then snowed and then froze hard saturday night so the poor Venture was in a sad plight but she was in a worse one when we got to where we lay run as it breezed up fresh and the wind dead ahead the water was flying over her in all directions and froze wherever it fell and besides it had turned into a blinding snow storm but we had a certain point to make . she seemed as anxious to get to a place of safety as I did and as the boys say she got there and none too soon as it has been blowing a gale ever since and snowing and freezing but we are in the lee and at a good dock and are comfortable but oh the wind is whistling through the rigging .” November 20 1887 In the 1880s steamships were increasing in popularity on the Great Lakes primarily because of sailboats’ susceptibility to both calm and weather; steamboats were bulky for their capacity and slow but more reliable whereas sailboats could carry overall more cargo.1 Generally steamers took packaged goods and passengers and sailboats mainly schooners took bulk cargo. The Great Lakes were the site of much shipping innovation; Faragher’s fleet was not yet behind the times but steam would overtake sail in the 1880s and 90s. Faragher’s cargo was mainly produce—apples and grapes—though he does mention picking up salt and other materials. His letters indicate that his business involved both shipping and mercantile aspects: he chose and bought the products shipped them to their destination and then also had to find and sell to customers. The grapes in particular seem to cause a lot of trouble: “We left Lorain Sunday morning early and had a nice trip to the Island got there at 4 PM bustled around monday morning and bought 400 baskets of grapes and had them all aboard by dark . it commenced to snow just as we got to Marine City bad bad omen for grapes but imagine my chagrin when I went up town and not a store or commission house wanted a grape folks were full of grapes and there was no sale for them and they said that I had got left and if the truth were known they were glad of it but its a cold day when I get left if trying will lit me out but one thing certain the weather and the lateness of the season were against me but you know I never cross a bridge before I get to it well we hauled up to our old Island Saturday morning and I sold out to my old friend . we had sold since 11 am 190 baskets of grapes . only half our cargo and at a good margin too. People would ask are you the man that was arrested here for selling grapes when told yes they seldom failed to buy but the strangest part was the number of ladies that came to buy”. October 28 1887 Though he does not narrate the incident in which he was arrested for grape peddling—nor does it appear to have made the paper—he later mentions yet another grape-related debacle this time at Port Huron: “Sander and I went to town to sell the grapes today . when down came a city official and wanted to know if I had a license to sell . well I couldent sell another grape without paying 5.00 a day license that was a stormer you see the whole sale men were going to drive me out of the market . but they were not as sharp as they thought they were I went and gave a bill of sale of my whole cargo to a citizen here and he appointed one of his agents to sell the grapes” September 20 1888 Faragher’s letters here do not discuss the financial state of his business but given Chamberlin’s statements it cannot have been all too positive. Chamberlin’s letters depict a woman struggling with her financial circumstances and with how the era’s expectations of her gender intersected with them. In one illustrative letter she writes: “A man drove by here Sat. asking for you. Ms. Lawler has given him her note to collect. He says the interest brings it to nearly fifty dollars. I told him I thought you could not meet it just at present but he said he must have the money and would give you just one week and if it was not paid then he would let the law settle it. Marvin and Laird are his lawyers. Mr. Laird is the one who helped get my money from father’s estate. I would not have them connected in this way about you for – O a great deal!! I have thought and planned till it seems as though my brain would burst. I have inquired about that law regarding taking any more married women as teachers. If Mr. Day would work for me it might perhaps be broken. There will be a vacancy in the Detroit building this fall. Will if I possibly can I want to commence teaching in Sept. The children would have to learn to do more about the house and with both of us earning it seems as though some of these harassing debts must be settled after a time. The frequent calls of men with bills against you have taken away all my pride and I believe I am humble enough to do most anything now.” July 11 1887 In 1887 Ohio passed the Married Women’s Property Act which allowed married women to keep their own property separate from their husbands’—in fact Chamberlin occasionally mentions “her” money in her correspondence. At the same time the state’s Board of Education was debating passing an act that would not only ban school districts from hiring married women as teachers but also fire all the married women it then employed. Newspaper reporting at the time indicates that this measure was not particularly popular not the least because married women tended to be older and more experienced with the job. Chamberlin clearly perceives her role as a wife in a rather more progressive way at one point writing to Faragher that “a true wife” is “not a doll-baby to be kept in finery” N.d. after he had taken out a loan to send her money for a new hat. Throughout their correspondence Chamberlin is perhaps surprisingly open with Faragher about her opinions particularly on his work and their financial affairs; for instance: “I should like to examine your pocket-book after that $25 tax money left it. What are you going to live on up there while you are hunting for freight Sawdust won’t put any fat on your bones. Sailing up and down past Saginaw bay won’t prolong your life or lessen your grey hairs. What are you sailing for anyway For the sake of wearing yourself out and giving employment to two or three men and keeping the Root from rusting out I guess I am naughty!” May 25 1894 She also frequently provides her opinion on whether and at what rate Faragher should sell his two other ships besides the Root the Venture and the Sassacus. She continues in the same letter: “I know I almost had a regular fight yesterday morning right there on the lounge. I wanted to do my housework and I couldn’t. I wanted to sew and I couldn’t sit up long for that. I wanted to help you and I couldn’t. I wanted to earn money and whereas I used to earn fifty-five cents for every hour I worked now I can not earn anything. Then if I could not do for self and family I wanted to make church and S.S. calls but I couldn’t walk for that.” Of course she was at that time prevented from these activities by her health not by gendered standards but she clearly had financial ambitions for herself. After her time as a regular school teacher Chamberlin taught at a Sunday school where she earned a few cents per student and in one letter reported having eighty-one students in a single session. Chamberlin also struggles with the expectations of her as step-mother to Faragher’s two children from his first marriage to Emma Humphrey 1848–1880. She writes: “I get so discouraged sometimes and it seems as though I am in the wrong place as mother. I think of Emma as my sister. I want to do as she would have me. I look upon my work as sacred. And yet sometimes I feel as though life was not worth living.” November 5 1886 She frequently describes conflict with Burt who was then in his late teens to early twenties writing that she could not “have quite the very own mother-love for him” though she is “sure that Emma was not more conscientious in her desires to do right by him than I am” May 20 1891. As it still is today the role of step-mother was a difficult and frequently demonized one with the trauma of losing a mother and wife often in conflict with the feminine duty of maintaining perfect domestic harmony. In general Chamberlin seems to have been somewhat out of step with the feminine ideal of the time even telling Faragher in a letter describing the death of an acquaintance’s baby how glad she was to not have any children of her own. Overall a look at the private lives and difficulties of a middle-class Ohio household as despite the relative prestige of its head being a captain-owner it struggled with debt. Of interest to both historians of Great Lakes trade and those of women’s roles in the late nineteenth century. 1 Dina M. Bazzill “The Missing Link Between Sail and Steam: Steambarges and the Joys of Door County Wisconsin” East Carolina University Program in Maritime Studies Research Report no. 19 2007. unknown
1909ref. List3421Ohio Illinois Michigan and Ontario 1909. Seventy-four letters in thirty-seven envelopes mainly dating between 1885 and 1895. With two undated and one empty envelope. Conditions vary with a few letters having damage intersecting with significant amounts of text and others Near Fine. Overall excellent. A collection of letters mainly sent between Captain William Faragher 1842–1921 and his second wife Harriet Chamberlin 1853–1920 with several from Faragher’s children from his first marriage Burton 1872–1961 and Maude 1875–1952. Most letters are from Chamberlin to Faragher with fourteen from Faragher to Chamberlin. Faragher owned and captained several merchant ships in Lake Erie and Lake St. Clair—presumably sailboats as he frequently complains of having been stuck without wind. He also describes more severe weather out on the lake writing from St. Clair Michigan: “I am anxious to get down from here but as the day advanced the wind began to frisken and it began to snow hard and as it was freezing hard it had rained then snowed and then froze hard saturday night so the poor Venture was in a sad plight but she was in a worse one when we got to where we lay run as it breezed up fresh and the wind dead ahead the water was flying over her in all directions and froze wherever it fell and besides it had turned into a blinding snow storm but we had a certain point to make . she seemed as anxious to get to a place of safety as I did and as the boys say she got there and none too soon as it has been blowing a gale ever since and snowing and freezing but we are in the lee and at a good dock and are comfortable but oh the wind is whistling through the rigging .” November 20 1887 In the 1880s steamships were increasing in popularity on the Great Lakes primarily because of sailboats’ susceptibility to both calm and weather; steamboats were bulky for their capacity and slow but more reliable whereas sailboats could carry overall more cargo.1 Generally steamers took packaged goods and passengers and sailboats mainly schooners took bulk cargo. The Great Lakes were the site of much shipping innovation; Faragher’s fleet was not yet behind the times but steam would overtake sail in the 1880s and 90s. Faragher’s cargo was mainly produce—apples and grapes—though he does mention picking up salt and other materials. His letters indicate that his business involved both shipping and mercantile aspects: he chose and bought the products shipped them to their destination and then also had to find and sell to customers. The grapes in particular seem to cause a lot of trouble: “We left Lorain Sunday morning early and had a nice trip to the Island got there at 4 PM bustled around monday morning and bought 400 baskets of grapes and had them all aboard by dark . it commenced to snow just as we got to Marine City bad bad omen for grapes but imagine my chagrin when I went up town and not a store or commission house wanted a grape folks were full of grapes and there was no sale for them and they said that I had got left and if the truth were known they were glad of it but its a cold day when I get left if trying will lit me out but one thing certain the weather and the lateness of the season were against me but you know I never cross a bridge before I get to it well we hauled up to our old Island Saturday morning and I sold out to my old friend . we had sold since 11 am 190 baskets of grapes . only half our cargo and at a good margin too. People would ask are you the man that was arrested here for selling grapes when told yes they seldom failed to buy but the strangest part was the number of ladies that came to buy”. October 28 1887 Though he does not narrate the incident in which he was arrested for grape peddling—nor does it appear to have made the paper—he later mentions yet another grape-related debacle this time at Port Huron: “Sander and I went to town to sell the grapes today . when down came a city official and wanted to know if I had a license to sell . well I couldent sell another grape without paying 5.00 a day license that was a stormer you see the whole sale men were going to drive me out of the market . but they were not as sharp as they thought they were I went and gave a bill of sale of my whole cargo to a citizen here and he appointed one of his agents to sell the grapes” September 20 1888 Faragher’s letters here do not discuss the financial state of his business but given Chamberlin’s statements it cannot have been all too positive. Chamberlin’s letters depict a woman struggling with her financial circumstances and with how the era’s expectations of her gender intersected with them. In one illustrative letter she writes: “A man drove by here Sat. asking for you. Ms. Lawler has given him her note to collect. He says the interest brings it to nearly fifty dollars. I told him I thought you could not meet it just at present but he said he must have the money and would give you just one week and if it was not paid then he would let the law settle it. Marvin and Laird are his lawyers. Mr. Laird is the one who helped get my money from father’s estate. I would not have them connected in this way about you for – O a great deal!! I have thought and planned till it seems as though my brain would burst. I have inquired about that law regarding taking any more married women as teachers. If Mr. Day would work for me it might perhaps be broken. There will be a vacancy in the Detroit building this fall. Will if I possibly can I want to commence teaching in Sept. The children would have to learn to do more about the house and with both of us earning it seems as though some of these harassing debts must be settled after a time. The frequent calls of men with bills against you have taken away all my pride and I believe I am humble enough to do most anything now.” July 11 1887 In 1887 Ohio passed the Married Women’s Property Act which allowed married women to keep their own property separate from their husbands’—in fact Chamberlin occasionally mentions “her” money in her correspondence. At the same time the state’s Board of Education was debating passing an act that would not only ban school districts from hiring married women as teachers but also fire all the married women it then employed. Newspaper reporting at the time indicates that this measure was not particularly popular not the least because married women tended to be older and more experienced with the job. Chamberlin clearly perceives her role as a wife in a rather more progressive way at one point writing to Faragher that “a true wife” is “not a doll-baby to be kept in finery” N.d. after he had taken out a loan to send her money for a new hat. Throughout their correspondence Chamberlin is perhaps surprisingly open with Faragher about her opinions particularly on his work and their financial affairs; for instance: “I should like to examine your pocket-book after that $25 tax money left it. What are you going to live on up there while you are hunting for freight Sawdust won’t put any fat on your bones. Sailing up and down past Saginaw bay won’t prolong your life or lessen your grey hairs. What are you sailing for anyway For the sake of wearing yourself out and giving employment to two or three men and keeping the Root from rusting out I guess I am naughty!” May 25 1894 She also frequently provides her opinion on whether and at what rate Faragher should sell his two other ships besides the Root the Venture and the Sassacus. She continues in the same letter: “I know I almost had a regular fight yesterday morning right there on the lounge. I wanted to do my housework and I couldn’t. I wanted to sew and I couldn’t sit up long for that. I wanted to help you and I couldn’t. I wanted to earn money and whereas I used to earn fifty-five cents for every hour I worked now I can not earn anything. Then if I could not do for self and family I wanted to make church and S.S. calls but I couldn’t walk for that.” Of course she was at that time prevented from these activities by her health not by gendered standards but she clearly had financial ambitions for herself. After her time as a regular school teacher Chamberlin taught at a Sunday school where she earned a few cents per student and in one letter reported having eighty-one students in a single session. Chamberlin also struggles with the expectations of her as step-mother to Faragher’s two children from his first marriage to Emma Humphrey 1848–1880. She writes: “I get so discouraged sometimes and it seems as though I am in the wrong place as mother. I think of Emma as my sister. I want to do as she would have me. I look upon my work as sacred. And yet sometimes I feel as though life was not worth living.” November 5 1886 She frequently describes conflict with Burt who was then in his late teens to early twenties writing that she could not “have quite the very own mother-love for him” though she is “sure that Emma was not more conscientious in her desires to do right by him than I am” May 20 1891. As it still is today the role of step-mother was a difficult and frequently demonized one with the trauma of losing a mother and wife often in conflict with the feminine duty of maintaining perfect domestic harmony. In general Chamberlin seems to have been somewhat out of step with the feminine ideal of the time even telling Faragher in a letter describing the death of an acquaintance’s baby how glad she was to not have any children of her own. Overall a look at the private lives and difficulties of a middle-class Ohio household as despite the relative prestige of its head being a captain-owner it struggled with debt. Of interest to both historians of Great Lakes trade and those of women’s roles in the late nineteenth century. 1 Dina M. Bazzill “The Missing Link Between Sail and Steam: Steambarges and the Joys of Door County Wisconsin” East Carolina University Program in Maritime Studies Research Report no. 19 2007. unknown books
ref. 203975Paris, Imprimerie nationale, An VII in-8, 10 pp., dérelié. Rousseurs.
ref. ORD-4804Code complet des aubergistes, maîtres d'hôtel, teneurs d'hôtel garni, logeurs, traiteurs, restaurateurs, marchands de vin, etc. Contenant l'historique des maisons où l'on donne à manger et à boire; la Législation, la Jurisprudence et les Règles de police relatives à ces Etablissements...suivi d'un traité complet De la Législation sur les Boissons,...Roret. sans date (1882)., en fait remise en vente en 1882 (?) par Roret de l'édition de Pagnères. 1838. Petit in-12 (106 x 165mm) br. couverture bleue imprimée, 204pp. et catalogue de la Librairie Roret 72pp. 2°plat rapiécé au scotch mais bel état intérieur.
ref. 229722Paris, Guillaumin [Imprimerie de Bourgogne et Martinet], 1837 - 1839 2 forts vol. gr. in-8, [2] ff. n. ch., 996 pp. ; [2] ff. n. ch., pp. 997-2252, texte sur deux colonnes, demi-chagrin fauve, dos à faux-nerfs ornés de filets et caissons dorés, tranches mouchetées (reliure de l'époque). Rousseurs.
1988ref. LFA017b6Revue trimestrielle de l'Institut international de géopolitique : environ 100 pages, format 210 x 280 mm, illustrée, brochée couverture couleurs
1792ref. 31794Philadelphia: s.i. 1792. Very Good. Philadelphia: 1792-93. Single folded sheet 41.5 x 33.5cm; report in manuscript verso filled nearly to completion recto a quarter filled. Signed by Captain David Ross and two other parties; docket dated 1793 signed by Inspector Jeremiah Simmons. Stock exceedingly brittle with shallow chipping long closed tears along folds with old archival mending age-toning and light soiling as well as contemporary wax seal remnants. Overall a Very Good and legible survival. Cargo report executed in manuscript and dated November 9th 1792 listing materials shipped from Port-de-Paix Saint-Domingue modern day Haiti to Philadelphia for the firm Dutilh & Wachsmuth. The date places this report in the early days of the Haitian Revolution following the August 1791 enslaved peoples' revolt. The island was a vital source of commercial interests to Philadelphia and the burgeoning revolution was at the forefront of everyone's mind making this voyage and the survival of associated documents all the more significant. Dun cites one contemporary account "'No business is going on here' one letter told 'as every one is taken up with meetings committees and arming themselves.'" Dun p. 484. Goods delivered include wine sugar and coffee and were delivered to Dutilh and a handful of others including Captain Ross himself who received a hogshead of molasses. Ross eventually rose to the rank of Continental Navy Lieutenant during the Quasi-War with France and is remembered for commanding the privateer Belvedere guiding her back to Dover after an engagement with a French brig "leaving Belvedere with 50 round shot in her hull and her sails and rigging further shredded." References: James Alexander Dun "What Avenues of Commerce Will You Americans Not Explore! Commercial Philadelphia's Vantage onto the Early Haitian Revolution." The William and Mary Quarterly July 2005 Third Series Vol. 62 No. 3 pp. 473-504 See also the Destroyer History Foundation website. [s.i.] unknown
1792ref. 31794Philadelphia: s.i. 1792. Very Good. Philadelphia: 1792-93. Single folded sheet 41.5 x 33.5cm; report in manuscript verso filled nearly to completion recto a quarter filled. Signed by Captain David Ross and two other parties; docket dated 1793 signed by Inspector Jeremiah Simmons. Stock exceedingly brittle with shallow chipping long closed tears along folds with old archival mending age-toning and light soiling as well as contemporary wax seal remnants. Overall a Very Good and legible survival. Cargo report executed in manuscript and dated November 9th 1792 listing materials shipped from Port-de-Paix Saint-Domingue modern day Haiti to Philadelphia for the firm Dutilh & Wachsmuth. The date places this report in the early days of the Haitian Revolution following the August 1791 enslaved peoples' revolt. The island was a vital source of commercial interests to Philadelphia and the burgeoning revolution was at the forefront of everyone's mind making this voyage and the survival of associated documents all the more significant. Dun cites one contemporary account "'No business is going on here' one letter told 'as every one is taken up with meetings committees and arming themselves.'" Dun p. 484. Goods delivered include wine sugar and coffee and were delivered to Dutilh and a handful of others including Captain Ross himself who received a hogshead of molasses. Ross eventually rose to the rank of Continental Navy Lieutenant during the Quasi-War with France and is remembered for commanding the privateer Belvedere guiding her back to Dover after an engagement with a French brig "leaving Belvedere with 50 round shot in her hull and her sails and rigging further shredded." References: James Alexander Dun "What Avenues of Commerce Will You Americans Not Explore! Commercial Philadelphia's Vantage onto the Early Haitian Revolution." The William and Mary Quarterly July 2005 Third Series Vol. 62 No. 3 pp. 473-504 See also the Destroyer History Foundation website. [s.i.] unknown books
1890ref. 70447Chicago IL: Marshall Field 1890. Trade sheet. 4to. Bifolio four pages printed on pink paper illustrated from wood engravings. Tables giving the articles in various sizes and showing prices. Original illustrated self-wrappers some insect damage along several folds affecting letters but leaving text and numbers readable. Marshall Field unknown books
ref. 70448Cumberland MD: The company Clay and Richmond Buffalo 188no final digit. Trade slip on paper. Oblong 12mo 2 7/8 x 7 inches verso blank. This company not recorded in Romaine. Very good. The company (Clay and Richmond, Buffalo) unknown books
ref. 23695No place 4 March 1835. Two pages 4to good condition lacking at least a signature page. "An impediment in the arrangement of the Miscellaneous Records of the Exchequer which I feel it my duty to submit to the notice of the Board. I requested the Bagbearer to deliver to me for the purpose of cataloguing &c "whatever" excised all ministers Accounts of the period of Hen.8 & the immediately succeeding reigns.- These Ministers Accounts I regard as strictly Miscellaneous and for these reasons - That there is no catalogue or Index of them and That they are scattered in various places throughout the Records of the Office from "That" words added by him - perhaps indicating a draft That a considerable number are deposited in the number are deposited in the Stone Tower at Westminster without any classification or catalogue and their nature is only partially known: That Other portions of the same species of Record are distributed amongst the unarranged Miscellaneous Records at the Mews.- and that a third portion is at present in progress of being catalogues at the Augmentation Office. These "species of" elided Records I believe to be part of the large series of Ministers Accounts strictly belonging .". See the Image of the second page. Note: The additions and corrections to the text suggest this was a draft. Presumably addressed to a superior Charles Purton Cooper. No place, 4 March 1835. unknown