LA BOULLAYE - LE GOUZ, (François de)Livre Rare Book
15 859 résultats
1657réf. PHO-1458A Troyes, par Nicolas Oudot, et se vendent à Paris: Chez François Clousier, 1657. in-4; [6ff. (sur 7: feuillet de dédicace en fac-simile), dont titre, portrait légendé de La Boullaye, préface], 558p., [5ff. Table, fautes, privilège du 12 février 1657]; 33 illustrations sur bois dans le texte dont 16 à pleine page. Reliure d'époque en basane brune, dos à nerfs avec titre , coupes , coiffes et coins usés , frottements. un coin déchiré au titre sans atteinte au texte. Mouillure angulaire au premier portrait P. 73 déchirée avec manque de papier ,sans atteinte au texte. P. 165: manque en coin avec perte de qq mots; PP. 173 et 175: déchirures sans perte de texte; P. 234: manque de papier en pied avec perte de quelques mots; taches d'encre pp. 264 ; pp. 460 à 485: petites galeries de vers marginales en pied. Ex-libris manuscrit Dominium Antonium Biguet. Seconde édition
1916réf. RO30005773Félix Alcan. 1916. In-12. Broché. Etat d'usage, Tâchée, Dos très frotté, Intérieur bon état. 254 pages.. . . . Classification Dewey : 382.7-Douanes
1948réf. 83047Imprimerie Nationale, coll. « Mémoires pour servir à l’explication de la carte géologique détaillée de la France » 1948 Grand in-4. Broché, couverture imprimée, 291 pp., VII planches hors texte dont 4 volantes ainsi qu’une carte repliées en pochette in fine , 62 figures, certaines repliées, appendice, bibliographie. Couverture ternie, sinon bon exemplaire.
1996réf. 3461075Bonn, Bouvier, 1996. XII, 303 S. Mit zahlreichen Tabellen. OPpbd.
réf. QWA-17081L'Harmattan, 2014, in-8 br., 298 p., coll. "Méditerranées", 10 illustrations h.-t., très bon état.
réf. 11770Préface du capitaine A. MARCHAANDEAU. In 8 broché, couverture illustrée, faux-titre, titre, 348 pages, annexe XXXVI- illustrations photos hors-texte, 2 cartes dépliantes en fin de volume. Aux portes du large- Nantes 1947. Edition originale, envoi manuscrit autographe de l’auteur.
réf. 105513Roubaix, 1896 grand in-8, 196 pp., frontispice, broché.
1917réf. 194Paris : Plon-Nourry et Cie, 1917. In-8, 261 x 163 : port., (5 ff. prem. bl.), XIV, 561 pp., (1 f.), 4 cartes repliées, couverture imprimée. — Broché, couverture rempliée.
réf. 12578ellipses, 1984 - In-8 grand, broché, couverture souple ornée d'un gauffrage jaune encadrant les plats mastic titrés en blanc, 208 pages, bel ensemble en bon état d'usage ( bien menus défauts).
réf. 56448aafParis, ed. Paris, 1936, gr. in-8vo, 270 p. non-coupées, non-rognées + 10 fig. + XXXII planches, brochure originale. Ex. neuf.
1966réf. 127336Couverture souple. Broché. 128 pages.
1890réf. 3469155Genova, 1890. XV, 442 pp. Half cloth (new spine, stamp on title page).
1904réf. 3469059Genoa, Ferrari, 1904. XVI, 533 pp. New cloth (stamp on title page, spine lacking).
1835réf. BK0025New York City 1835. Autograph letter signed by the merchant firm Baker & Moore 4 pp. addressed to General William Battey care of Dr. Charles Luzenberg at the Franklin Infirmary on the Pontchartrain Railroad New Orleans. Stampless folded letter with red circular "NEW-YORK" December 31 datestamp and manuscript "25" rate. Appx. 1000 words. File folds; otherwise very good. A lengthy commercial letter written thirteen days after the Great Fire of New York describing the destruction of the city's mercantile district and tracing its immediate effects through insurance capital banking commodity prices and trade with New Orleans. Written by the New York firm of Baker & Moore to their associate William Battey the letter provides a near-contemporary account of the fire an assessment of the city's financial resilience and instructions for exploiting the resulting fluctuations in the markets for brandy wine raisins tobacco iron and copper. The fire began on the evening of December 16 during an extraordinary cold spell and northwest gale. Frozen hydrants wells cisterns and hoses left the city's volunteer fire companies largely unable to contain it. By the following day the fire had destroyed much of the commercial district between Wall Street and the East River including the Merchants' Exchange and hundreds of stores and warehouses. Buildings were eventually demolished with gunpowder to create firebreaks at Exchange Place and Coenties Slip. Contemporary estimates varied but approximately 674 buildings were destroyed with losses eventually placed at twenty million dollars or more.1 Baker & Moore begin by describing the extent of the burned district the severe weather and the use of explosives to arrest the flames: "Since my last you have no doubt received the paper sent you giving particulars of the great calamity which has befallen our City. On the 16th our City was about half burned up. From Coffee House Slip to Coenties Slip by the water & William Street is all in ruins. There is but one store left in that whole district. It was one of the coldest nights that we ever experienced & the wind blew a gale from Northwest. The fire broke out in the rear of the Exchange and went down through to the water spreading both ways and would have undoubtedly continued on but for the wide slips of Coffee House & Coenties Slip with the occasional blowing up of some stores & houses with powder to check the flame in its progress" The account quickly turns from the physical destruction to the distribution of its financial losses: "The destruction of property is immense probably from 10 to 15000000$ and it was supposed that many would be ruined but tis remarkable so far we have not heard of one. The Banks have been liberal and there has been a proper and benevolent feeling manifested throughout & should some further aid be brought in which probably will from the State or general government we think there may be no failures. The Insurance companies most of them are ruined and the principal loss is in Insurance capital. The loss will in some instances fall upon those who cannot well afford it. Many widows & orphans have had their all taken from them. The loss is large and New York has met with a great calamity but she is made of such materials & her facilities are so large & varied that the mercantile community will bear up under more than any other place in the Union & we think in one year's time it will be almost forgotten." The confidence expressed here correctly anticipated the city's rapid commercial recovery. Banks and government agencies extended credit and payment terms rebuilding began almost immediately and the burned district was reconstructed with new countinghouses and warehouses. The disaster also exposed the inadequacy of New York's water supply and firefighting arrangements contributing to later infrastructure and institutional reforms. Baker & Moore then apply the disaster to their own trade with New Orleans. Hundreds of warehouses and their contents had been destroyed increasing prices of imported foods wines and spirits. The firm instructs Battey to use the New York price current to obtain higher prices for their consignments: "This fire has advanced most all kinds of goods. Raisins are worth here $3-$3½. Wines such as Mess. Eastman's have advanced with us 4-6 cents. So many hundred casks destroyed must advance it and make it higher through the season. More than one half the Brandy was consumed tis now selling at $1.75 and some are asking $2. We wish what we sent you sold & this will be a favorable time to sell-show N.Y. price current-and get as good a price as you can. There will we think be no want of Brandy. Those raisins we think you had better dispose of at once. We think from N.O. current must pay something handsome for us. In regard to old Iron we find good old iron will always sell for the money for 112½ gross hundred equal to 1c per lb. Cast & wrought are same price. If you can come across a lot to do you may make it answer & pay us well. Copper if you can buy low enough may pay something. We thought hay might pay out but tis so high we cannot buy to send. We are of opinion that goods generally will be higher in consequence of this fire yet when we consign goods we wish them sold when they can to pay and we wish Eastman & Co. to sell and close up our affairs in their hands." The concluding paragraph briefly introduces events in Florida. The Second Seminole War had begun that month following mounting resistance to the forced removal of the Seminole people from Florida. Baker & Moore believed that the conflict might affect the movements of a brig expected in New Orleans: "We observe that trouble is anticipated with the Indians in Florida & if so our Brig may not get a load of them & be in N. Orleans earlier than we anticipated tis uncertain what will be the result they may detain her longer until they can get them on board." The wording appears to indicate that the vessel was expected to transport a group of Native people although the letter does not identify the brig its owners or the precise circumstances of the contemplated voyage. The recipient General William Battey was then in New Orleans apparently acting as Baker & Moore's commercial representative while also attending to his health at the Franklin Infirmary. The firm gave him considerable discretion to supervise consignments collect funds purchase goods when opportunities arose and forward current market information to New York. The address places him in the care of Dr. Charles Aloysius Luzenberg who founded the Franklin Infirmary with municipal support in 1835 and subsequently helped establish the Medical College of Louisiana the forerunner of Tulane's medical school.2 Baker & Moore appear to have been commission or importing merchants whose own affairs escaped direct damage but whose trade was immediately altered by the destruction of competing inventories. The letter thus follows the fire from the burned commercial district into the decisions of a New York firm and its representative in New Orleans. A substantial contemporary account of the Great Fire of 1835 documenting the destruction of New York's commercial center and the disaster's immediate movement through insurance banking commodity markets interregional credit and trade with New Orleans. We find no similar examples on the secondary market or in auction records. 1 Herbert Asbury "The Great Fire of 1835" The New Yorker July 26 1930. 2 Louisiana Historical Association "Luzenberg Charles Aloysius" in Dictionary of Louisiana Biography accessed August 2 2026 https://www.lahistory.org/resources/dictionary-louisiana-biography/dictionary-of-louisiana-biography-l/. . unknown
1835réf. BK0025New York City 1835. Autograph letter signed by the merchant firm Baker & Moore 4 pp. addressed to General William Battey care of Dr. Charles Luzenberg at the Franklin Infirmary on the Pontchartrain Railroad New Orleans. Stampless folded letter with red circular "NEW-YORK" December 31 datestamp and manuscript "25" rate. Appx. 1000 words. File folds; otherwise very good. A lengthy commercial letter written thirteen days after the Great Fire of New York describing the destruction of the city's mercantile district and tracing its immediate effects through insurance capital banking commodity prices and trade with New Orleans. Written by the New York firm of Baker & Moore to their associate William Battey the letter provides a near-contemporary account of the fire an assessment of the city's financial resilience and instructions for exploiting the resulting fluctuations in the markets for brandy wine raisins tobacco iron and copper. The fire began on the evening of December 16 during an extraordinary cold spell and northwest gale. Frozen hydrants wells cisterns and hoses left the city's volunteer fire companies largely unable to contain it. By the following day the fire had destroyed much of the commercial district between Wall Street and the East River including the Merchants' Exchange and hundreds of stores and warehouses. Buildings were eventually demolished with gunpowder to create firebreaks at Exchange Place and Coenties Slip. Contemporary estimates varied but approximately 674 buildings were destroyed with losses eventually placed at twenty million dollars or more.1 Baker & Moore begin by describing the extent of the burned district the severe weather and the use of explosives to arrest the flames: "Since my last you have no doubt received the paper sent you giving particulars of the great calamity which has befallen our City. On the 16th our City was about half burned up. From Coffee House Slip to Coenties Slip by the water & William Street is all in ruins. There is but one store left in that whole district. It was one of the coldest nights that we ever experienced & the wind blew a gale from Northwest. The fire broke out in the rear of the Exchange and went down through to the water spreading both ways and would have undoubtedly continued on but for the wide slips of Coffee House & Coenties Slip with the occasional blowing up of some stores & houses with powder to check the flame in its progress" The account quickly turns from the physical destruction to the distribution of its financial losses: "The destruction of property is immense probably from 10 to 15000000$ and it was supposed that many would be ruined but tis remarkable so far we have not heard of one. The Banks have been liberal and there has been a proper and benevolent feeling manifested throughout & should some further aid be brought in which probably will from the State or general government we think there may be no failures. The Insurance companies most of them are ruined and the principal loss is in Insurance capital. The loss will in some instances fall upon those who cannot well afford it. Many widows & orphans have had their all taken from them. The loss is large and New York has met with a great calamity but she is made of such materials & her facilities are so large & varied that the mercantile community will bear up under more than any other place in the Union & we think in one year's time it will be almost forgotten." The confidence expressed here correctly anticipated the city's rapid commercial recovery. Banks and government agencies extended credit and payment terms rebuilding began almost immediately and the burned district was reconstructed with new countinghouses and warehouses. The disaster also exposed the inadequacy of New York's water supply and firefighting arrangements contributing to later infrastructure and institutional reforms. Baker & Moore then apply the disaster to their own trade with New Orleans. Hundreds of warehouses and their contents had been destroyed increasing prices of imported foods wines and spirits. The firm instructs Battey to use the New York price current to obtain higher prices for their consignments: "This fire has advanced most all kinds of goods. Raisins are worth here $3-$3½. Wines such as Mess. Eastman's have advanced with us 4-6 cents. So many hundred casks destroyed must advance it and make it higher through the season. More than one half the Brandy was consumed tis now selling at $1.75 and some are asking $2. We wish what we sent you sold & this will be a favorable time to sell-show N.Y. price current-and get as good a price as you can. There will we think be no want of Brandy. Those raisins we think you had better dispose of at once. We think from N.O. current must pay something handsome for us. In regard to old Iron we find good old iron will always sell for the money for 112½ gross hundred equal to 1c per lb. Cast & wrought are same price. If you can come across a lot to do you may make it answer & pay us well. Copper if you can buy low enough may pay something. We thought hay might pay out but tis so high we cannot buy to send. We are of opinion that goods generally will be higher in consequence of this fire yet when we consign goods we wish them sold when they can to pay and we wish Eastman & Co. to sell and close up our affairs in their hands." The concluding paragraph briefly introduces events in Florida. The Second Seminole War had begun that month following mounting resistance to the forced removal of the Seminole people from Florida. Baker & Moore believed that the conflict might affect the movements of a brig expected in New Orleans: "We observe that trouble is anticipated with the Indians in Florida & if so our Brig may not get a load of them & be in N. Orleans earlier than we anticipated tis uncertain what will be the result they may detain her longer until they can get them on board." The wording appears to indicate that the vessel was expected to transport a group of Native people although the letter does not identify the brig its owners or the precise circumstances of the contemplated voyage. The recipient General William Battey was then in New Orleans apparently acting as Baker & Moore's commercial representative while also attending to his health at the Franklin Infirmary. The firm gave him considerable discretion to supervise consignments collect funds purchase goods when opportunities arose and forward current market information to New York. The address places him in the care of Dr. Charles Aloysius Luzenberg who founded the Franklin Infirmary with municipal support in 1835 and subsequently helped establish the Medical College of Louisiana the forerunner of Tulane's medical school.2 Baker & Moore appear to have been commission or importing merchants whose own affairs escaped direct damage but whose trade was immediately altered by the destruction of competing inventories. The letter thus follows the fire from the burned commercial district into the decisions of a New York firm and its representative in New Orleans. A substantial contemporary account of the Great Fire of 1835 documenting the destruction of New York's commercial center and the disaster's immediate movement through insurance banking commodity markets interregional credit and trade with New Orleans. We find no similar examples on the secondary market or in auction records. 1 Herbert Asbury "The Great Fire of 1835" The New Yorker July 26 1930. 2 Louisiana Historical Association "Luzenberg Charles Aloysius" in Dictionary of Louisiana Biography accessed August 2 2026 https://www.lahistory.org/resources/dictionary-louisiana-biography/dictionary-of-louisiana-biography-l/. . unknown books
1813réf. BK0183Lisbon 1813. Autograph letter signed 3 pp. on a folded sheet with integral address panel to Messrs. Brown & Ives Providence Rhode Island and Newport "SHIP" and circular datestamps. 8 x 9 ¾ inches. Folded for mailing with considerable wear along the folds several tears and small losses including losses from opening the seal affecting scattered words. Good overall and substantially legible. A commercial letter written from Lisbon during the War of 1812 by "P. Falconer" probably the Baltimore merchant Peregrine Falconer. The identification remains somewhat tentative but the 1812 Baltimore directory lists Comegys Falconer & Co. merchants at 190 Baltimore Street while later Maryland Chancery records document the estate of Peregrine Falconer; Missouri archival records also document Falconer and Comegys and both "Perregrine" and "Perry" Falconer. Falconer was preparing to sail from Lisbon for Falmouth and writes Brown & Ives with the latest commercial and political intelligence reaching Portugal. He expected the widening European opposition to Napoleon to bring still more nations into the war then turned immediately to British policy toward American trade: "from the complexion of affairs that in the course of the Summer all the powers in Europe will be joined against France. If I am correctly informed a new duty of 6d. pr lb in addition is imposed in Britain upon American Cotton . Savannah Charleston & New York in a state of Blockade - this with the new duty has advanced the Price of Cotton .". The Russo-Prussian alliance had been concluded only weeks earlier Sweden joined the anti-Napoleonic alliance on March 24 and the coalition would continue to expand during the year. At the same time the English Parliament was debating additional duties on American cotton: on March 31 the government proposed sixpence per pound on American cotton imported in foreign vessels while Alexander Baring warned that American cotton carried by neutral ships would consequently bear a total duty of ninepence per pound. British naval pressure on the American coast was also rapidly increasing during the spring of 1813 trapping increasing amounts of American shipping in port. Falconer's letter thus records from Lisbon the immediate commercial relationship between the blockade British taxation and the price of American cotton. The war also forced Falconer to reconsider how Brown & Ives should communicate with him once he reached Britain. He gives explicit instructions intended to obscure their route: "I presume the only means of corresponding with Liverpool will be by the way of Lisbon. I have to request that you will write to me . frequently enclosing your letters under cover to Messrs. - & Brown without marking 'Via Lisbon' as letters coming from America are all opened in Britain." The remainder concerns the practical movement of merchants and shipping through the same wartime network including Falmouth and Liverpool passage arrangements vessels preparing to sail and convoying. Overall a useful merchant's-eye letter from the spring of 1813 with the blockade of American ports the British cotton duty the developing coalition against Napoleon and the routing of commercial correspondence all appearing as parts of the same Atlantic problem. . unknown
réf. 1396825517.Ghardcover. Good. Access codes and supplements are not guaranteed with used items. May be an ex-library book. hardcover
réf. 1396825460.Gpaperback. Good. Access codes and supplements are not guaranteed with used items. May be an ex-library book. paperback
1813réf. BK0183Lisbon 1813. Autograph letter signed 3 pp. on a folded sheet with integral address panel to Messrs. Brown & Ives Providence Rhode Island and Newport "SHIP" and circular datestamps. 8 x 9 ¾ inches. Folded for mailing with considerable wear along the folds several tears and small losses including losses from opening the seal affecting scattered words. Good overall and substantially legible. A commercial letter written from Lisbon during the War of 1812 by "P. Falconer" probably the Baltimore merchant Peregrine Falconer. The identification remains somewhat tentative but the 1812 Baltimore directory lists Comegys Falconer & Co. merchants at 190 Baltimore Street while later Maryland Chancery records document the estate of Peregrine Falconer; Missouri archival records also document Falconer and Comegys and both "Perregrine" and "Perry" Falconer. Falconer was preparing to sail from Lisbon for Falmouth and writes Brown & Ives with the latest commercial and political intelligence reaching Portugal. He expected the widening European opposition to Napoleon to bring still more nations into the war then turned immediately to British policy toward American trade: "from the complexion of affairs that in the course of the Summer all the powers in Europe will be joined against France. If I am correctly informed a new duty of 6d. pr lb in addition is imposed in Britain upon American Cotton . Savannah Charleston & New York in a state of Blockade - this with the new duty has advanced the Price of Cotton .". The Russo-Prussian alliance had been concluded only weeks earlier Sweden joined the anti-Napoleonic alliance on March 24 and the coalition would continue to expand during the year. At the same time the English Parliament was debating additional duties on American cotton: on March 31 the government proposed sixpence per pound on American cotton imported in foreign vessels while Alexander Baring warned that American cotton carried by neutral ships would consequently bear a total duty of ninepence per pound. British naval pressure on the American coast was also rapidly increasing during the spring of 1813 trapping increasing amounts of American shipping in port. Falconer's letter thus records from Lisbon the immediate commercial relationship between the blockade British taxation and the price of American cotton. The war also forced Falconer to reconsider how Brown & Ives should communicate with him once he reached Britain. He gives explicit instructions intended to obscure their route: "I presume the only means of corresponding with Liverpool will be by the way of Lisbon. I have to request that you will write to me . frequently enclosing your letters under cover to Messrs. - & Brown without marking 'Via Lisbon' as letters coming from America are all opened in Britain." The remainder concerns the practical movement of merchants and shipping through the same wartime network including Falmouth and Liverpool passage arrangements vessels preparing to sail and convoying. Overall a useful merchant's-eye letter from the spring of 1813 with the blockade of American ports the British cotton duty the developing coalition against Napoleon and the routing of commercial correspondence all appearing as parts of the same Atlantic problem. . unknown books
réf. a75306Washington 1859. 35th Congress 2d Session. Ex. Doc. No. 37. Lg.4to. 661pp. rebound in later wraps. Good light wear. . paperback
Second Edition, 88pp., recently bound in quarter red morocco with red cloth boards, spine lettered in gilt, a nice copy. A letter addressed to John Crawfurd, by a native author who bears his views on the inadequacy of present imports, and failure of returns from India. Goldsmiths'-Kress, 26232.100.
1842réf. 3123New Orleans: January 21 1842. About very good. 3pp. on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. Small loss from wax seal affecting a few words on third page. Light wear and soiling. A wandering "woe is me" missive from Charles Penfield to his business partners back home in Massachusetts detailing his numerous misfortunes on a journey by boat to Mexico and thence to New Orleans. He writes: "To tell you of my misfortunes I think you should rather console with me than to sensure sic me however you can write your friends in Baltimore & let them see me &c. First of my troubles I was fined in Mexico as you have the documents to amount of moste 600 dollars with the expenses. Next misfortune was detained in town 22 days to attend to the board 2 dolls. per day horse hire about 25 or 40 dolls. with expenses on the road vessel being 40 miles before the town. Next I took the yellow fever or Mexican fever & as you must expect my bill was high when I went to town. The deaths was 25 a day population of 6000." He goes on to detail freight costs to New Orleans and the other expenses related to the journey writing: "You had better get these papers translated by some Spanish merchant in Boston & make claim on Mr. Brown." He also notes in a post script that the price of freighting cotton to Liverpool is a half penny per pound. A detailed account of the trials and tribulations of uncertain business ventures in antebellum America. January 21 unknown
1842réf. 3123New Orleans: January 21 1842. About very good. 3pp. on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. Small loss from wax seal affecting a few words on third page. Light wear and soiling. A wandering "woe is me" missive from Charles Penfield to his business partners back home in Massachusetts detailing his numerous misfortunes on a journey by boat to Mexico and thence to New Orleans. He writes: "To tell you of my misfortunes I think you should rather console with me than to sensure sic me however you can write your friends in Baltimore & let them see me &c. First of my troubles I was fined in Mexico as you have the documents to amount of moste 600 dollars with the expenses. Next misfortune was detained in town 22 days to attend to the board 2 dolls. per day horse hire about 25 or 40 dolls. with expenses on the road vessel being 40 miles before the town. Next I took the yellow fever or Mexican fever & as you must expect my bill was high when I went to town. The deaths was 25 a day population of 6000." He goes on to detail freight costs to New Orleans and the other expenses related to the journey writing: "You had better get these papers translated by some Spanish merchant in Boston & make claim on Mr. Brown." He also notes in a post script that the price of freighting cotton to Liverpool is a half penny per pound. A detailed account of the trials and tribulations of uncertain business ventures in antebellum America. January 21 unknown books
1673pp. 177,10 Piena pergamena coeva.
2026réf. LRB25011801Paris: Editions Recreasoft 2026 Language: English. Approximately 502 pages. English : Print-on-demand reprint. Original edition : 1792. Collection of letters and communications devoted to agriculture planting and related subjects with particular interest in rural practices crop improvement agricultural economy and the exchange of experiences among practitioners. A representative work of the agronomic literature of the late eighteenth century useful to readers interested in the history of agriculture and learned societies. Book images are non-contractual. Editions Recreasoft. Softcover. New. Editions Recreasoft paperback
