2.375 Ergebnisse
1916Best.-Nr. 38829Leipzig J.A. Barth 1916. Orig. printed wrappers. Frontwrapper lacking lower left coener. "Annalenn der Physik. Vierte Folge. Band 51. 6. Heft." =1916 No. 22 pp. 577-684 and 3 plates. Einstein's paper: pp. 639-42. Internally clean and fine. First edition. Weil No 81. unknown
1905Best.-Nr. 6412Leipzig: Johann Ambrosius Barth 1905. First edition. First edition rare author's presentation offprint 'Überreicht vom Verfasser' from the library of Arnold Sommerfeld - carrying his ink signature the red-pencil accession number '4' of his Einstein-offprint collection and his autograph pencil calculations on two pages - of the paper on light quanta and the photoelectric effect for which Einstein was awarded the 1921 Nobel Prize and the only one of his four annus mirabilis papers that he called sehr revolutionär. From Wien's radiation law he shows that the entropy of high-frequency radiation has the thermodynamic form of an ideal gas of independent quanta of energy hv and applies it to Stokes's rule photoionisation and the photoelectric effect. Sommerfeld's pencil decodes Einstein's β as h/k on p. 136 using the refined constants of Planck's 1906 Vorlesungen and on p. 146 computes Rβ/E the predicted slope h/e of the photoelectric line that Millikan would measure 1912-1916. Sommerfeld with Debye in 1913 argued the equation could be recovered without the light quantum; Compton's 1923 scattering results won him over. . Einstein's Nobel Prize Paper. First edition rare author's presentation offprint 'Überreicht vom Verfasser' from the library of Arnold Sommerfeld - carrying his ink signature the red-pencil accession number '4' of his Einstein-offprint collection beneath Einstein's printed name and his autograph pencil calculations in the margins of two crucial pages - of the paper on light quanta and the photoelectric effect for which Einstein was awarded the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics. Of the four epochal papers Einstein produced during his annus mirabilis this is the only one he himself described as revolutionary and the one that most squarely broke with the nineteenth-century physics in which he had been trained. It is also the paper on which Thomas Kuhn built his argument that the origin of quantum theory belongs not to Planck in 1900 but to Einstein in 1905. Provenance: Arnold Sommerfeld 1868-1951 with his ink signature the red-pencil accession number '4' of his Einstein-offprint collection beneath Einstein's printed name on the front wrapper and his pencil calculations in the margins of pp. 136 and 146 with a pencilled mark on p. 145. Appointed to the chair of theoretical physics at Munich in 1906 the year after the present paper appeared he held it for more than three decades. Trained at Königsberg under Hurwitz and Lindemann he came to theoretical physics through mathematics and remained one of its greatest teachers. His Munich institute became the most important training ground in the discipline: Heisenberg Pauli Debye Bethe Ewald Landé Laporte and Morse were among his doctoral students and the institute's seminar room served as the workshop in which the old quantum theory took shape. Sommerfeld's own contributions to that theory - the quantisation of elliptical orbits the fine-structure formula the introduction of the fine-structure constant the systematics of selection rules and later the free-electron theory of metals - place him among the founders of modern atomic physics. His textbook Atombau und Spektrallinien first published in 1919 and repeatedly revised was for a generation the standard exposition of the subject. When the ageing professor was due to retire in 1936 in favour of Heisenberg the National Socialist authorities blocked the succession on the grounds that Sommerfeld and his nominee were insufficiently aligned with party science; the chair remained vacant until 1939 and passed in the end to a political appointment. Sommerfeld returned to his institute after the war and continued working until his death in a road accident in Munich in 1951. Max Born in his Royal Society obituary described him as combining classical clarity with the pioneering instinct. The red-pencil '4' on the front wrapper is one entry in a systematic accession numbering that runs in red chinagraph across Sommerfeld's collection of Einstein offprints. Thirteen numbered copies have so far been documented and their numbers are strictly chronological in the papers' publication dates: 4 on the present 1905 paper; 20 on the 1911 paper on gravitation and the propagation of light; 30 on the November 1915 'Zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie' with its Nachtrag; 33 and 34 on two duplicate copies of the 1916 'Hamiltonsches Prinzip' taking consecutive numbers; 36 on the 1917 'Kosmologische Betrachtungen'; and 40 44 45 46 47 48 and 49 on papers of 1923-1929 ending with the unified-field-theory series - the sequence resolved to the month even within a single year 44 on a January 1925 paper 45 on a July 1925 paper. The scheme is thus a running ledger of the collection in order of publication and the '4' identifies the present offprint as the fourth Einstein item in it implying just three earlier papers - necessarily drawn from Einstein's handful of Annalen papers of 1901-1904 - ahead of it. One of the documented copies also bears the pre-1918 stamp of Sommerfeld's Munich institute where his papers and library are recorded as having remained for decades after his death in 1951 consistent with the collection surviving intact long into the twentieth century. No published account of the Sommerfeld offprint collection exists; the reconstruction of the scheme rests on the documented copies themselves of which the present one is the earliest. Completed in Bern on 17 March 1905 and dispatched to Annalen der Physik the following day the paper was the first of Einstein's great 1905 contributions - the others being the doctoral dissertation on molecular dimensions the paper on Brownian motion and the two papers founding the special theory of relativity. Einstein was at the time a twenty-six-year-old technical expert third class at the Swiss Patent Office in Bern without academic affiliation without institutional laboratory with his doctorate not yet conferred and with a circle of scientific correspondents that ran to little more than his old Olympia Academy companions Conrad Habicht and Maurice Solovine. The regular correspondence with Planck Laue Stark Sommerfeld Wien and Lorentz that would bring him into the German-speaking academic world lay still in the future; his first surviving letter to Sommerfeld is dated 5 January 1908. The printed presentation formula on the wrapper marks the present copy as one of the small stock of author's offprints Einstein had in hand by the spring of 1905; how and when it reached Sommerfeld is not documented. Their acquaintance in fact opens over relativity rather than light quanta - the 1908 letter discusses the velocity of signals and the two men first met in person at the Salzburg Naturforscherversammlung of September 1909 - but the pencil annotations described below place the close study of this copy in precisely those years as Sommerfeld newly installed in the Munich chair of theoretical physics was turning himself and his school toward the quantum theory of radiation. Writing to Habicht in May 1905 Einstein sketched the four papers that were about to appear and reserved a particular adjective for this one alone. The first he explained concerned radiation and the energetic properties of light and was sehr revolutionär. The second determined the true sizes of atoms from the viscosity of dilute solutions. The third derived the irregular motion of small bodies suspended in a liquid from the molecular-kinetic theory of heat. The fourth still in draft would treat the electrodynamics of moving bodies and would alter as Einstein promised the theory of space and time. In that taxonomy only the light-quantum paper is singled out as revolutionary and Einstein's self-assessment has proved durable. Relativity consummated a line of nineteenth-century thought extending from Maxwell through Lorentz and Poincaré; the light-quantum hypothesis set itself against that entire line. The paper opens from a formal asymmetry that physicists had tolerated without remark. The state of a gas or any ponderable body is described by the positions and velocities of a finite if very large number of atoms and electrons so that the energy of such a body is a sum over a discrete basis. The state of an electromagnetic field by contrast is given by continuous functions in space so that in Maxwell's theory the energy of radiation is an integral over an infinite number of degrees of freedom. Einstein proposes that this asymmetry is not merely formal but physical - that radiation energy like matter may in certain circumstances behave as if it were concentrated into a finite number of localised packets. The wave theory he grants is magnificent where it applies but its predictions refer to time-averaged field values so that nothing in the experimental record rules out a granular structure on short timescales or at low densities of the radiation. The positive case for light quanta rests on a thermodynamic analogy that Einstein develops with remarkable economy. Using Wien's radiation law valid in the high-frequency tail of the black-body spectrum he writes down the entropy of monochromatic radiation of fixed frequency as a function of its volume. The resulting expression has exactly the form of the entropy of an ideal gas whose particle number equals the radiation energy divided by hv. In the Wien region in other words radiation behaves thermodynamically as a collection of independent energy quanta of magnitude hv. This simple audacious conclusion - that the entropy-volume relation of radiation is that of a gas of particles - is the paper's load-bearing result and it arrives without any appeal to detailed mechanical models of emission or absorption. From this thermodynamic footing Einstein advances to three predictions. Stokes's rule stating that fluorescent light has a lower frequency than the exciting light follows directly on the hypothesis that one absorbed quantum of energy hv can re-emit at most one quantum of no greater energy: the emitted frequency cannot exceed the absorbed frequency because the emitted quantum cannot exceed hv in energy. Photoionisation of gases by ultraviolet light follows from the condition that the ionisation energy of a molecule cannot be greater than the energy of the absorbed quantum. And the photoelectric effect in which metallic surfaces release electrons under illumination is reformulated into what became known as Einstein's photoelectric equation: the maximum kinetic energy of the ejected electron equals hv minus the work function of the metal. The linearity of electron energy in frequency and the independence of the slope from the material are predictions derived from the quantum hypothesis. It is on precisely these last two sections of the paper that the Sommerfeld copy speaks most directly. At the foot of p. 136 beside Einstein's statement of Planck's formula with the constants α = 6.10 × 10−56 and β = 4.866 × 10−11 Sommerfeld has written in pencil β = h/κ = 6.548 × 10−27 / 1.346 × 10−16 grad·sec. Einstein throughout his paper uses Planck's 1901 constants α and β without explicitly connecting them back to Planck's action quantum h and to what would later be called Boltzmann's constant k. Sommerfeld's pencil step reconstructs the bridge - Einstein's β is nothing other than the ratio h/k and 'grad·sec' is that ratio's correct unit - and the numbers he inserts identify the very book he was working from. The pair h = 6.548 × 10−27 erg·sec and k = 1.346 × 10−16 erg/grad appears in exactly this form as equation 252 of Planck's Vorlesungen über die Theorie der Wärmestrahlung Leipzig 1906 p. 162 - Planck's own refinement of the rounder values of his 1901 paper - and so far as can be established nowhere else: Planck's second edition of 1913 revised the figure to 6.415 and the later determinations of Millikan 1916 and Birge 1919 differ again. Planck's 1906 text even cites Einstein's paper by page in the passage immediately preceding that equation. The annotation thus records a reader checking Einstein's constants against Planck's newest determination with the textbook open beside the offprint at some point between 1906 and about 1912 - the very years in which Sommerfeld entered the quantum theory of radiation. On p. 146 the second pencil annotation sits beside Einstein's derivation of the photoelectric equation ΠE = Rβv − P′ where E = 9.6 × 103 is the charge of a gram-equivalent of a monovalent ion and Π is the stopping potential required to arrest the photoelectrons. Sommerfeld has written out Rβ/E = 8.31 × 107 · 4.866 × 10−11 / 9.6 × 103 - that is the slope dΠ/dv of the stopping potential against frequency. Because Rβ = Rh/k = Nh and the Faraday E = Ne this ratio reduces algebraically to h/e. What Sommerfeld is pencilling in the margin is therefore the predicted slope of Einstein's photoelectric line - the very constant that Robert Andrews Millikan would spend the years 1912-1916 measuring and whose accurate determination by the straight-line fit of electron energy against frequency delivered in 1916 both the most stringent early confirmation of Einstein's equation and a precise new value of Planck's h. On p. 145 a small pencilled '2' and two double dashes in the outer margin bracket a single sentence of §8 - Einstein's caveat that it should not be excluded 'daß Elektronen die Energie von Lichtquanten nur teilweise aufnehmen' that electrons might take up the energy of light quanta only partially. That is precisely the loophole on which the semi-classical readings of the photoelectric equation would later be built Sommerfeld's own among them. That Sommerfeld should have traced those calculations on his own copy is more than incidental. In January 1910 he told Lorentz that he was 'old-fashioned enough to resist for now the light quanta in Einstein's conception' and through the 1910s he was himself among the physicists who argued that Einstein's photoelectric equation could be recovered on semi-classical non-Einsteinian grounds - that is that the equation stood while the light-quantum hypothesis from which Einstein had derived it need not be accepted. Planck Debye Lorentz and O. W. Richardson held variants of the same position; the fullest contemporaneous statement of this approach is Debye and Sommerfeld 'Theorie des lichtelektrischen Effektes vom Standpunkt des Wirkungsquantums' Annalen der Physik 346 1913 pp. 873-930. It would take the Compton experiments of 1922-1923 to change Sommerfeld's mind - at which point he declared with characteristic decisiveness that Compton's scattering results sounded the death knell of the classical wave theory of radiation a position he made public in the preface to the fourth edition of Atombau und Spektrallinien Vieweg 1924 pp. vii-viii where he wrote that he had clung to the wave theory as long as possible before being 'impelled to adopt more and more the position of the extreme light quantum theory'. The two pencil derivations on this copy then are the working-notes precursors to nearly twenty years of sustained theoretical engagement by one of the foremost teachers of modern physics with the very pages marked. The audacity of Einstein's argument was not lost on his contemporaries and neither was its precariousness. The light-quantum hypothesis demanded that a century of evidence for the wave theory - diffraction interference polarisation the entire edifice of physical optics - be folded into a picture in which radiation also travelled as discrete packets. Einstein himself acknowledged the strain and used the word heuristisch in his title to temper it. For nearly two decades after 1905 his contemporaries resisted the hypothesis even as they accepted the equation. When Planck Nernst Rubens and Warburg proposed Einstein for election to the Prussian Academy in 1913 they prefaced their glowing recommendation by asking that he not be held too severely to account for those of his speculations that had missed their mark - their example being precisely the hypothesis of light quanta. Millikan reporting the decisive experimental confirmation of Einstein's photoelectric equation in 1916 went out of his way to describe the underlying quantum hypothesis as untenable and reached instead for classical interpretations. Only with Compton's scattering experiments in 1923 did the physics community at large concede that light itself and not merely its interaction with matter demanded the quantum. The prehistory of the paper runs back to Einstein's undergraduate years. Mach's Wärmelehre which he read in Aarau or shortly thereafter devoted two chapters to thermal radiation and closed with an account of Kirchhoff's universal black-body law. H. F. Weber's physics course at the ETH in the winter of 1898-1899 for which Einstein registered presented measurements of the energy spectrum of thermal radiation and an empirical distribution function that anticipated Wien's displacement law. By March 1899 Einstein had begun thinking seriously about radiation and by the spring of 1901 he was reading Planck with care and scepticism. Planck had derived the black-body formula of 1900 by dividing the energy of a collection of charged oscillators into discrete elements of size hv and counting the ways these elements could be distributed - a procedure that as Einstein would later show is only consistent if one admits that the oscillators themselves can hold only energies that are integer multiples of hv. Planck himself had been unwilling to draw that conclusion. Einstein in 1905 draws it without apology and goes further: if oscillators can hold only quantised energies then the radiation field with which they are in equilibrium must also at least in some regimes be granular. Einstein prepared himself for this step with a long study of the foundations of statistical physics conducted between 1902 and 1904. That work yielded three tools that became indispensable to his quantum argument. The first was the canonical ensemble which gave him a general framework for calculating mean values in thermal equilibrium. The second was a careful reinterpretation of the Boltzmann principle S = k log W in which the probability W is counted over the accessible microstates of the system. The third was a method for computing mean-square fluctuations of state variables at equilibrium. Applied to radiation in thermal equilibrium the fluctuation method reproduced Wien's displacement law and more tellingly suggested that radiation behaved as if its phase space had a finite dimension - an intimation of the quantum granularity the 1905 paper would go on to assert. Two features make the 1905 quantum paper unique even within Einstein's own subsequent work on the subject. It does not rely on Planck's radiation law; it uses only the Wien limit. And it does not rely on the apparatus of the canonical ensemble that Einstein had developed; the argument proceeds through a thermodynamic analogy between radiation entropy and gas entropy. This austerity is part of its power: by leaning on nothing but thermodynamics and the Wien law Einstein removes every interpretive crutch that might soften the conclusion. The radiation is behaving as a gas of particles because the thermodynamic form of its entropy says so. Einstein submitted the paper to Annalen der Physik on 18 March 1905. It appeared in the first issue of Band 17 distributed on 9 June 1905. By April 1905 however - and therefore weeks before the journal issue was bound up and circulated - Einstein had already received his allotment of offprints: his letter to Habicht announcing the four forthcoming papers indicates that he had separates in hand. On the priority of issue then the offprint precedes the journal printing and the printed presentation statement 'Überreicht vom Verfasser' on the wrapper of copies such as the present one marks them as part of the small stock that passed through Einstein's own hands. That circle was small. Weil in the standard bibliography of Einstein's writings notes that the number of offprints produced of papers before 1914 appears to have been very modest that they were given to the author only and that the wrappers usually carry the printed presentation formula. Later trade-attributed testimony from Hans Albert Einstein's copy of the Brownian-motion offprint puts the typical print run for Einstein's early offprints at twenty-five to thirty copies. Of the light-quantum paper in particular offprints in any condition are now encountered only very occasionally in commerce and copies preserved in their original wrappers are rarer still. References: Norman 689 - Weil Einstein Bibliography 6 - Boni Russ & Laurence Bibliographical Checklist 7 - Pais Subtle Is the Lord pp. 364-368 - Planck Vorlesungen über die Theorie der Wärmestrahlung Leipzig: Barth 1906 p. 162 the source of the annotated constants - Eckert Arnold Sommerfeld: Science Life and Turbulent Times Springer 2013 - Born 'Sommerfeld 1868-1951' Obituary Notices of Fellows of the Royal Society 8 1952 pp. 275-296 - Cassidy 'Einstein on the Photoelectric Effect' in Einstein: Image and Impact American Institute of Physics - Stachel et al. eds The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein vol. 2 pp. 134-142 and vol. 5 doc. 72 Einstein to Sommerfeld 5 January 1908 - Eckert & Märker eds Arnold Sommerfeld: Wissenschaftlicher Briefwechsel Band 1: 1892-1918 GNT-Verlag 2000 - Stuewer 'Einstein's Revolutionary Light-Quantum Hypothesis' Acta Physica Polonica B 37 2006 pp. 543-558 - Printing and the Mind of Man 391 Planck's precursor quantum papers. Offprint from Annalen der Physik 4. Folge 17. Band 1905. 8vo 222 × 144 mm pp. 1 132-148. Original printed wrappers with 'A. Einstein. Überreicht vom Verfasser' printed in bold type on the front cover upper outer corner of rear wrapper with loss well clear of the printed area; small chips to the lower outer corner of the front wrapper and to the foot of the spine; faint vertical creases to the front wrapper. . Johann Ambrosius Barth unknown
1910Best.-Nr. 29307Leipzig Barth 1910. 8vo. Extracted from "Annalen der Physik IV Bd. 33" pp. 1096-1104 and pp. 1105-1115. Fine and clean. Supplied with a facsimile wrapper from the offprint to the first paper. Both works in first edition. - Weil No. 34 and 35. unknown
1910Best.-Nr. 38842Leipzig J.A. Barth 1910. Contemp. hcalf. Spine gilt a fs scratches to spine. VIII1584 pp. and 6 plates. Einstein papers: pp. 1096: pp. 1105-1115; pp. 1275-1298. Fine and clean. The whole volume offered. All three papers first edition. The purpose of "A theorem in probability and its application in the Theory of radiation" is to demonstrate that the failure of statistical mechanics with respect to the radiation law Rayleigh - Jeans law contradicted by experience cannot be removed by the conjecture that perhaps the individual statistical events should not follow the usual law of independence product of probabilities instead of assuming a certain interdependence between them. Lanczos. The second paper "Statistical investigation on of the motion of an oscillator in a radiation field" makes use of the results of the previous investigation. Einstein's aim is to demonstrate that the Rayleigh-jeans law of radiation contracdicted by the physical facts is an unavoidable consequence of statistics even if we avoid any kind of assumption which may be suspected of needing correction. Lanczos. The third paper "Theory of the opalescence of homogenous fluids and fluid mixtures near the critical state" is an importent investigation and one of the most difficult of all his papers to understand. The aim of the paper is to complement the work of Smoluchovski Ann. d. Physik25 1908 who gave a general explanation of the strong density fluctuations - and the opalescence thus generated - of two fluids near the critical state of mixture or a single fluid near the critical state of condensation on the basis of the kinetic theory of heat. he did notgive howeverthe quantitative details concerning the scattered light associated with this phenomenon. Lanczos. - Weil Nos 34 35 and 36 with an asterix denoting major work. unknown
1910Best.-Nr. 49714Leipzig Barth 1910. 8vo. Bound in contemporary half cloth with gilt lettering to spine. In "Annalen der Physik" Bd. 33 1910. Entire volume offered. Library stamp to verso of title page light wear to extremities. Otherwise fine and clean. pp. 1096-1104 and pp. 1105-1115; Pp. 1275-1298 Entire volume: VIII 1584 pp. 6 plates. First appearance of all three papers. The purpose of "A theorem in probability and its application in the Theory of radiation" is to demonstrate that the failure of statistical mechanics with respect to the radiation law Rayleigh - Jeans law contradicted by experience cannot be removed by the conjecture that perhaps the individual statistical events should not follow the usual law of independence product of probabilities instead of assuming a certain interdependence between them. Lanczos. The second paper "Statistical investigation on of the motion of an oscillator in a radiation field" makes use of the results of the previous investigation. Einstein's aim is to demonstrate that the Rayleigh-jeans law of radiation contracdicted by the physical facts is an unavoidable consequence of statistics even if we avoid any kind of assumption which may be suspected of needing correction. Lanczos. The third paper "Theory of the opalescence of homogenous fluids and fluid mixtures near the critical state" is an importent investigation and one of the most difficult of all his papers to understand. The aim of the paper is to complement the work of Smoluchovski Ann. d. Physik25 1908 who gave a general explanation of the strong density fluctuations - and the opalescence thus generated - of two fluids near the critical state of mixture or a single fluid near the critical state of condensation on the basis of the kinetic theory of heat. he did notgive howeverthe quantitative details concerning the scattered light associated with this phenomenon. Lanczos. - Weil Nos 34 35 and 36 with an asterix denoting major work.Weil No. 34 35 & 36. hardcover
Best.-Nr. H3994Berlin Akademie der Wissenschaften 1921 In: Sitzungsberichte der Königl.Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften Band 1921/1. 4to. S.261-265. Weitere Berichte von: Laue Halbleinenband der Zeit leicht berieben Bibl.-Nr.am Rücken Original-Broschur miteingebunden unaufgeschnitten gutes Exemplar. unknown
1906Best.-Nr. 50324Leipzig Ambrosius Barth 1906. 8vo. In contemporary halv calf with four raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. In "Annalen der Physik" Vierte Folge Band 21. Entire volume offered. Stamp to title page. Wear to extremities. Internally fine and clean. Pp. 583-86. Entire volume: 1055 VIII pp. First printing of Einstein's paper on a method for the determination of the transversal and longitudinal mass of the electron. This eventually caused a major breakthrough in Weil no. 14 hardcover
1906Best.-Nr. 38833Leipzig J. A. Barth 1906. Contemp. hcloth. Light wear to edges. A small tear at upper part of fronthinge. "Annalen der Physik. Vierte Folge. Band 21. Hrsg. von W.Wien und M. Planck". VIII1056 pp.and 9 plates. Einstein paper: pp. 583-86. Internally clean and fine. The whole volume offered. First edition. Einsten describes in this paper "Method for the determination of the ratio of the transversal to the longitudinal mass of the electron" an apparatus which would make it possible to determine with great accuracy the law according to which the mass of the electron changes with the velocity. - Weil No 14. hardcover
1921Best.-Nr. 32433Berlin: Akad. Wiss. Berl. 1921 Berichte 51-53 1921. First Edition. Soft cover. First Edition. Soft cover. ALBERT EINSTEIN. Über eine naheliegende Ergänzung des Fundamentes der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie Berlin 1921 8vo. 26.5 x 18.5 cms Akad. Wiss. Berl. 1921 Berichte 51-53 pp.261-264. Original printed wrappers. NEAR MINT CONDITION. A fine fresh example small pencil mark to upper wrapper of THIS RARE PAPER!! - ."Although Einstein could not accept Weyl's theory as a physical theory he cherished "its courageous mathematical construction" and thought intensively about its conceptual foundation. This becomes clear from his paper "On a complement at hand of the bases of general relativity" of 1921. In it he raised the question whether it would be possible to generate a geometry just from the conformal invariance of Equation without use of the conception "distance" i.e. without using rulers and clocks. He then embarked on conformal invariants and tensors of gauge-weight 0 and gave the one formed from the square of Weyl's conformal curvature tensor" Hubert F.M. Goenner On the History of Unified Field Theories. Reference: Weil N. 116; Schlipp-Shields No.145. Akad. Wiss. Berl., 1921, Berichte 51-53 unknown
1907Best.-Nr. 53408Leibzig Johann Ambrosius Barth 1907. 8vo. Contemp. hcalf. Spine gilt and with gilt lettering. Slightly rubbed and light wear to spineends. In "Annalen der Physik" Vierte Folge Band 23. VIII1000 pp. a. 4 plates. The entire volume offered. Einstein's paper: pp.371-384. Stamps on titlepage Allgemeine Electricitäts-Gesellschaft a. AEG Forschungsinstitut. Internally clean. First edition of the first explicit statement of Einstein's energy-mass equation E=mc2.Nearly all descriptions of Einstein's scientific work state that the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2 was first formulated in Einstein's 1907 review paper 'Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen.' published in 'Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik' see Weil no. 21 and Dictionary of Scientific Biography vol. 4 pp.323 for examples. However in his paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie' the offered paper which predates the former mentioned by six months Einstein gave a clear statement of the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2. See Lanczos: The Einstein Decade pp.149-150 and 153 as well as Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.Einstein's first paper regarding the relation E=mc2 is his fourth 1905 paper 'Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig'. In this short paper Einstein showed that a body releasing the energy E in the form of radiation will have its mass decreased by E/c2 and concluded that the mass of a body is a measure of its energy content e.g. that all energy has mass. The next time Einstein returns to the subject is in his 1906 paper 'Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunkts Bewegung und die Trägheit der Energie.'. Here Einstein concluded that one must either ascribe the inertial mass E/c2 to any form of energy E or else give up the fundamental law mechanics regarding conservation of the motion of the center of gravity. Then finally in the 1907 paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie.' the offered paper Einstein makes the decisive step of assuming that all mass has energy. On page 382 Einstein considers the total energy of a moving mass point as the sum of its kinetic energy and its rest energy. In classical mechanics it is most convenient to set the second term to zero but in relativistic mechanics one obtains the simplest expression by setting the rest energy equal to mc2. Einstein then continues to show that this stipulation cannot lead to a contradiction in any relativistic argument. In a footnote on page 382 Einstein states for the first time the equation E=mc2 and mentions that this equation is the expression of the principle of the equivalence of mass and energy - see Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.The volume contains another paper by Einstein "Bemerkungen zu der Notiz von Hrn. Paul Ehrenfest: "Die Translation deformierbarer Elektronen und der Flächensatz"" pp.206-208. - Weil No. 18. Further with 2 importent papers by Max v. Laue.Collected Works Doc. 45. Weil 19. Boni 19. unknown
1907Best.-Nr. 47457Leibzig Johann Ambrosius Barth 1907. 8vo. Contemp. hcalf. Spine gilt. Title-and tomelabels with gilt lettering. Slightly rubbed. In "Annalen der Physik" Vierte Folge Band 23. VIII1000 pp. a. 4 plates. The entire volume offered. Einstein's paper: pp.371-384. A small stamp on titlepage Gmelin.Institut. Internally clean and fine. First edition of the first explicit statement of Einstein's energy-mass equation E=mc2.Nearly all descriptions of Einstein's scientific work state that the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2 was first formulated in Einstein's 1907 review paper 'Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen.' published in 'Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik' see Weil no. 21 and Dictionary of Scientific Biography vol. 4 pp.323 for examples. However in his paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie' the offered paper which predates the former mentioned by six months Einstein gave a clear statement of the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2. See Lanczos: The Einstein Decade pp.149-150 and 153 as well as Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.Einstein's first paper regarding the relation E=mc2 is his fourth 1905 paper 'Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig'. In this short paper Einstein showed that a body releasing the energy E in the form of radiation will have its mass decreased by E/c2 and concluded that the mass of a body is a measure of its energy content e.g. that all energy has mass. The next time Einstein returns to the subject is in his 1906 paper 'Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunkts Bewegung und die Trägheit der Energie.'. Here Einstein concluded that one must either ascribe the inertial mass E/c2 to any form of energy E or else give up the fundamental law mechanics regarding conservation of the motion of the center of gravity. Then finally in the 1907 paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie.' the offered paper Einstein makes the decisive step of assuming that all mass has energy. On page 382 Einstein considers the total energy of a moving mass point as the sum of its kinetic energy and its rest energy. In classical mechanics it is most convenient to set the second term to zero but in relativistic mechanics one obtains the simplest expression by setting the rest energy equal to mc2. Einstein then continues to show that this stipulation cannot lead to a contradiction in any relativistic argument. In a footnote on page 382 Einstein states for the first time the equation E=mc2 and mentions that this equation is the expression of the principle of the equivalence of mass and energy - see Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.The volume contains another paper by Einstein "Bemerkungen zu der Notiz von Hrn. Paul Ehrenfest: "Die Translation deformierbarer Elektronen und der Flächensatz"" pp.206-208. - Weil No. 18.Collected Works Doc. 45. Weil 19. Boni 19. unknown
1907Best.-Nr. 50595Leibzig Johann Ambrosius Barth 1907. 8vo. In contemporary full cloth with gilt lettering to spine. In "Annalen der Physik" Vierte Folge Band 23. Entire volume offered. Ex-libris pasted on to top right corner of pasted down front free end-paper. Light rubbing to extremities a very fine and clean copy not an ex-library copy. Pp.371-384. Entire volume: VIII 1000 pp. 4 plates. First edition of the first explicit statement of Einstein's landmark energy-mass equation E=mc2.Nearly all descriptions of Einstein's scientific work state that the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2 was first formulated in Einstein's 1907 review paper 'Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen.' published in 'Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik' see Weil no. 21 and Dictionary of Scientific Biography vol. 4 pp.323 for examples. However in his paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie' the offered paper which predates the former mentioned by six months Einstein gave a clear statement of the mass-energy equivalence E=mc2. See Lanczos: The Einstein Decade pp.149-150 and 153 as well as Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.Einstein's first paper regarding the relation E=mc2 is his fourth 1905 paper 'Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig'. In this short paper Einstein showed that a body releasing the energy E in the form of radiation will have its mass decreased by E/c2 and concluded that the mass of a body is a measure of its energy content e.g. that all energy has mass. The next time Einstein returns to the subject is in his 1906 paper 'Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunkts Bewegung und die Trägheit der Energie.'. Here Einstein concluded that one must either ascribe the inertial mass E/c2 to any form of energy E or else give up the fundamental law mechanics regarding conservation of the motion of the center of gravity. Then finally in the 1907 paper 'Über die von Relativitätsprincip geforderte Trägheit der Energie.' the offered paper Einstein makes the decisive step of assuming that all mass has energy. On page 382 Einstein considers the total energy of a moving mass point as the sum of its kinetic energy and its rest energy. In classical mechanics it is most convenient to set the second term to zero but in relativistic mechanics one obtains the simplest expression by setting the rest energy equal to mc2. Einstein then continues to show that this stipulation cannot lead to a contradiction in any relativistic argument. In a footnote on page 382 Einstein states for the first time the equation E=mc2 and mentions that this equation is the expression of the principle of the equivalence of mass and energy - see Volume 2 of 'The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein' pp. 428.The volume contains another paper by Einstein "Bemerkungen zu der Notiz von Hrn. Paul Ehrenfest: "Die Translation deformierbarer Elektronen und der Flächensatz"" pp.206-208. - Weil No. 18.Collected Works Doc. 45. Weil 19. Boni 19. hardcover
Best.-Nr. ria9783112595992_inpHardcover. New. New Book; Fast Shipping from UK; Not signed; Not First Edition; N/A hardcover
Best.-Nr. ria9783112596012_inpHardcover. New. New Book; Fast Shipping from UK; Not signed; Not First Edition; N/A hardcover
Best.-Nr. 44383559-nnew. unknown
Best.-Nr. 44386213-nnew. unknown
Best.-Nr. 44386213like new. unknown
Best.-Nr. 44383559like new. unknown
Best.-Nr. BN157357Braunschweig Vieweg 1992. Softcover. Über die spezielle und allgemeine Relativitätstheorie. 23. Auflage. Über die spezielle und allgemeine Relativitätstheorie. 23. Auflage. Albert Einstein Braunschweig, Vieweg 1992. paperback
Best.-Nr. 1391625323.Ghardcover. Good. Access codes and supplements are not guaranteed with used items. May be an ex-library book. hardcover
2008Best.-Nr. BN341091Springer 2008. 2008. Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitatstheorie German Edition Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitatstheorie German Edition Albert Einstein Springer unknown
Best.-Nr. 1390751007.Gpaperback. Good. Access codes and supplements are not guaranteed with used items. May be an ex-library book. paperback
Best.-Nr. ria9783642312786_inpPaperback. New. New Book; Fast Shipping from UK; Not signed; Not First Edition; Albert Einstein selbst liefert in dem Band eine allgemein verständliche Einführung in seine Relativitätstheorie. Der Verfasser hat sich die größte Mühe gegeben die Hauptgedanken möglichst deutlich und einfach vorzubringen . in so paperback
1969Best.-Nr. __3112595998De Gruyter 1969. Hardcover. New. 21 reprint edition. 136 pages. German language. 5.00x0.44x8.00 inches. De Gruyter hardcover
1970Best.-Nr. __3112596013De Gruyter 1970. Hardcover. New. 21 reprint edition. 136 pages. German language. 5.00x0.44x8.00 inches. De Gruyter hardcover