STEDMAN (Capitaine Jean-Gabriel)Livre Rare Book
1 563 résultats
1798réf. PHO-1492Paris, chez Buisson, an VII (1798),4 volumes ; Texte 3 volumes in-8 demi percale et un Atlas in-4, demi cuir époque, dos lisse avec auteur et titre ,44 planches, certaines en double page ou dépliantes, gravées par Antoine-François Tardieu d'après John Gabriel Stedman, la planche 25 détachée, mouillure claire en marge sur 4 planches, frottements coins et coupes usés, exlibris Aldo Maffey, journaliste et écrivain italien.
1844réf. 5887Washington DC: June 7 1844. Very good. Broadside 12.25 x 7.75 inches. Light tanning shallow marginal chips and some fraying to left and right edges. An unrecorded slip-bill printing of a House Resolution with a phenomenal back story involving an erudite elusive and resourceful Florida slave. The slip bill authored by Howell Cobb U.S. Representative from Georgia stipulates that the Secretary of the Treasury pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the heirs and representatives of Antonio Pacheco a former resident of Florida the sum "being the price of a slave named Lewis which was sent out by the United States with the Seminole Indians and lost to his owners." That's where the plot thickens. The slave is now known to history as Luis Fatio Pacheco born in 1800 to enslaved parents on the "New Switzerland" plantation in Florida which was surrounded by a mix of Europeans Africans and Native Americans. As such Luis became fluent in several languages including Seminole which later made him a valuable asset. After a conflict with his owner Luis attempted to escape slavery in 1824 by fleeing to Spanish fisheries on Florida's Gulf Coast but he was captured by U.S. military authorities the following year. Skilled as he was in languages and literacy by the military Luis was sold in 1832 to Antonio Pacheco a Cuban merchant. After Antonio's death Luis became the property of Pacheco's widow. When tensions began to ratchet up again between American military forces and the Seminole tribe a U.S. Army officer made a deal to rent Luis from the Pacheco estate at the rate of $25 a month to take advantage of his services as an interpreter. In December 1835 Luis was accompanying a troop detachment led by Major Frances L. Dade in a march to reinforce Fort King near the present-day city of Ocala Florida. Evidently that day Luis was assigned as a scout; he has said to have attempted to warn Dade of a possible ambush by the Seminoles which went unheeded by the commander. The result is today known as the Dade Massacre in which Dade and most of his men were killed. According to the narrative provided by Luis who spoke Seminole he explained to the warriors that he was a slave and successfully pleaded for his life. Luis lived with the Seminoles as a captive for nearly two years before again managing to escape. In September 1837 Luis surrendered to the U.S. Army at Fort Peyton near St. Augustine. Soon after he was accused of collaborating with the Seminoles in the Dade Massacre. In 1841 negotiations between the US government and Seminole leader Coacoochee the Native American leader claimed Luis as his property captured in war. Coacoochee was permitted to take Luis together with other Black Seminoles to Oklahoma for resettlement. This event led to the claim by Anthony Pacheco‘s heirs for restitution of a lost slave. The Joint Committee on Claims approved the claim. Luis's story eventually became a focal point in the abolitionist argument against slavery and in 1858 Ohio representative Joshua R. Giddings published a book portraying Luis as a hero against the system. In any case the question of whether or not Luis betrayed Dade has never been completely resolved. June 7 unknown
1844réf. 5887Washington DC: June 7 1844. Very good. Broadside 12.25 x 7.75 inches. Light tanning shallow marginal chips and some fraying to left and right edges. An unrecorded slip-bill printing of a House Resolution with a phenomenal back story involving an erudite elusive and resourceful Florida slave. The slip bill authored by Howell Cobb U.S. Representative from Georgia stipulates that the Secretary of the Treasury pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the heirs and representatives of Antonio Pacheco a former resident of Florida the sum "being the price of a slave named Lewis which was sent out by the United States with the Seminole Indians and lost to his owners." That's where the plot thickens. The slave is now known to history as Luis Fatio Pacheco born in 1800 to enslaved parents on the "New Switzerland" plantation in Florida which was surrounded by a mix of Europeans Africans and Native Americans. As such Luis became fluent in several languages including Seminole which later made him a valuable asset. After a conflict with his owner Luis attempted to escape slavery in 1824 by fleeing to Spanish fisheries on Florida's Gulf Coast but he was captured by U.S. military authorities the following year. Skilled as he was in languages and literacy by the military Luis was sold in 1832 to Antonio Pacheco a Cuban merchant. After Antonio's death Luis became the property of Pacheco's widow. When tensions began to ratchet up again between American military forces and the Seminole tribe a U.S. Army officer made a deal to rent Luis from the Pacheco estate at the rate of $25 a month to take advantage of his services as an interpreter. In December 1835 Luis was accompanying a troop detachment led by Major Frances L. Dade in a march to reinforce Fort King near the present-day city of Ocala Florida. Evidently that day Luis was assigned as a scout; he has said to have attempted to warn Dade of a possible ambush by the Seminoles which went unheeded by the commander. The result is today known as the Dade Massacre in which Dade and most of his men were killed. According to the narrative provided by Luis who spoke Seminole he explained to the warriors that he was a slave and successfully pleaded for his life. Luis lived with the Seminoles as a captive for nearly two years before again managing to escape. In September 1837 Luis surrendered to the U.S. Army at Fort Peyton near St. Augustine. Soon after he was accused of collaborating with the Seminoles in the Dade Massacre. In 1841 negotiations between the US government and Seminole leader Coacoochee the Native American leader claimed Luis as his property captured in war. Coacoochee was permitted to take Luis together with other Black Seminoles to Oklahoma for resettlement. This event led to the claim by Anthony Pacheco‘s heirs for restitution of a lost slave. The Joint Committee on Claims approved the claim. Luis's story eventually became a focal point in the abolitionist argument against slavery and in 1858 Ohio representative Joshua R. Giddings published a book portraying Luis as a hero against the system. In any case the question of whether or not Luis betrayed Dade has never been completely resolved. June 7 unknown books
1827réf. 1184001827. First Edition. SLAVERY STROUD George M. A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery in the Several States of the United States of America. Philadelphia: Kimber and Sharpless 1827. Octavo original half tan and light brown paper boards uncut. $1350.First edition of Judge Stroud's groundbreaking 1827 work documenting state slave laws and relevant Constitutional provisions held as a key resource for Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin a cornerstone volume Òconsidered by many the best of the ante-bellum studies"" on slavery uncut in original boards.""The ink was hardly dry on the Constitution when the powers of Congress relative to slavery were called into question"" Dumond 153. The Fugitive Slave Act was passed in 1793 and in 1819 Congress began a bitter debate over slavery in the territories that culminated in the 1820 Missouri Act. At this time Philadelphia Judge George Stroud began work on Sketch of the Laws. ""This work the first substantial legal treatise on American slavery is considered by many the best of the ante-bellum studies"" Cohen 9877. His coverage of state slave codes and Constitutional provisions is a cornerstone of the legal literature. Published well before ""the Dred Scott decision Stroud's book had extensive influence upon national legal thinking on the issue of slavery. For example it is believed by some scholars that Harriet Beecher Stowe gained her knowledge of slave laws from Stroud's work"" Johnson Stroud's Slave Laws vi. In legal literature of antislavery one key group is on ""slave codes and their administration. The purpose of these works was to use slave law as data credible data as to the realities of slavery. The first and in many ways the best of these works was George Stroud A Sketch of the Laws"" Cover Justice Accused 149n. Blockson 9965. Sabin 93097. Work 343. Harvard Law Catalogue II:680. Text generally fresh with scattered foxing mild embrowning mild edge-wear rubbing to spine label. A very good copy of a major early work on slavery. hardcover
1827réf. 1184001827. First Edition. SLAVERY STROUD George M. A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery in the Several States of the United States of America. Philadelphia: Kimber and Sharpless 1827. Octavo original half tan and light brown paper boards uncut. $1350.First edition of Judge Stroud's groundbreaking 1827 work documenting state slave laws and relevant Constitutional provisions held as a key resource for Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin a cornerstone volume Òconsidered by many the best of the ante-bellum studies"" on slavery uncut in original boards.""The ink was hardly dry on the Constitution when the powers of Congress relative to slavery were called into question"" Dumond 153. The Fugitive Slave Act was passed in 1793 and in 1819 Congress began a bitter debate over slavery in the territories that culminated in the 1820 Missouri Act. At this time Philadelphia Judge George Stroud began work on Sketch of the Laws. ""This work the first substantial legal treatise on American slavery is considered by many the best of the ante-bellum studies"" Cohen 9877. His coverage of state slave codes and Constitutional provisions is a cornerstone of the legal literature. Published well before ""the Dred Scott decision Stroud's book had extensive influence upon national legal thinking on the issue of slavery. For example it is believed by some scholars that Harriet Beecher Stowe gained her knowledge of slave laws from Stroud's work"" Johnson Stroud's Slave Laws vi. In legal literature of antislavery one key group is on ""slave codes and their administration. The purpose of these works was to use slave law as data credible data as to the realities of slavery. The first and in many ways the best of these works was George Stroud A Sketch of the Laws"" Cover Justice Accused 149n. Blockson 9965. Sabin 93097. Work 343. Harvard Law Catalogue II:680. Text generally fresh with scattered foxing mild embrowning mild edge-wear rubbing to spine label. A very good copy of a major early work on slavery. hardcover books
1840réf. 7120Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1840-1841. 4 volumes in-8 (225 x 114 mm), (10)-XXXII-343 pp. + (4)-V-(3)-430 pp. + (4)-XVI-546 pp. + (4)-504 pp., reliure d'époque demi-veau, coiffes frottées, un mors fendu en tête sur 5 cm ( tome II), frottements aux mors du tome IV, coins frottés, sur tous les volumes un cachet de la bibliothèque de la Société des études coloniales et maritimes sur le feuillet de garde et sur la première page de texte.
1730réf. PHO-1650Paris, Saugrain, 1730.4 vol. in-12 de I. xxiv-[2]-381 pp., 15 pl. ; II. [4]-364 pp. 12 pl. ; III. [4]-350 pp., 4 pl.; IV. [4] pp., pp. 345-682, [36] pp., 1 pl., les tomes I à III reliés en basane brune, dos à nerfs ornés, p. de titre en mar. rouge, p. de titre en veau blond ; le tome IV reliés en veau brun, dos à nerfs ornés, p. de titre et de tomaison en mar. grenat (reliures de l'époque).
1805réf. 369285London 1805. 309; 4 46pp. Uncut. 2 vols. Folio. Disbound. 309; 4 46pp. Uncut. 2 vols. Folio. Two British Parliamentary papers on the slave trade issued in the midst of the debates for its abolition. The first paper organized by West Indian island includes the correspondence between the British government and their West India colonies regarding slavery from the period 1797 to 1800 and includes the text of the Leeward Island Amelioration Act of 1798. The paper includes a wealth of statistical information on the enslaved populations of each island as well as the names of plantation owners and their holdings. The second paper continues the correspondence from 1804-1805 with updated statistics. unknown
1805réf. 369285London 1805. 309; 4 46pp. Uncut. 2 vols. Folio. Disbound. 309; 4 46pp. Uncut. 2 vols. Folio. Two British Parliamentary papers on the slave trade issued in the midst of the debates for its abolition. The first paper organized by West Indian island includes the correspondence between the British government and their West India colonies regarding slavery from the period 1797 to 1800 and includes the text of the Leeward Island Amelioration Act of 1798. The paper includes a wealth of statistical information on the enslaved populations of each island as well as the names of plantation owners and their holdings. The second paper continues the correspondence from 1804-1805 with updated statistics. unknown books
1823réf. List3302London England: Ellerton and Henderson 1823. Three page document measuring 8 ½ x 13 ¼ inches. Folded with some small wrinkles at edges else Near Fine. A document produced by the Society for Mitigating and Gradually Abolishing the State of Slavery throughout the British Dominions better known as the Anti-Slavery Society. The group was founded in London in 1823 by a group of politicians philanthropists and businessmen including William Wilberforce Joseph Sturge and Zachary Macaulay. The document discusses the horrors of enslavement—even unfavorably comparing the British colonies’ conditions with those in the US—and decries the fact that after the 1807 Slave Trade Act essentially nothing more had been done to put “an end to a condition of society which so grievously outrages every feeling of humanity”. We find a single copy of the Ellerton and Henderson edition in physical format listed in OCLC as accession number 83930673. Ellerton and Henderson unknown
1823réf. List3302London England: Ellerton and Henderson 1823. Three page document measuring 8 ½ x 13 ¼ inches. Folded with some small wrinkles at edges else Near Fine. A document produced by the Society for Mitigating and Gradually Abolishing the State of Slavery throughout the British Dominions better known as the Anti-Slavery Society. The group was founded in London in 1823 by a group of politicians philanthropists and businessmen including William Wilberforce Joseph Sturge and Zachary Macaulay. The document discusses the horrors of enslavement—even unfavorably comparing the British colonies’ conditions with those in the US—and decries the fact that after the 1807 Slave Trade Act essentially nothing more had been done to put “an end to a condition of society which so grievously outrages every feeling of humanity”. We find a single copy of the Ellerton and Henderson edition in physical format listed in OCLC as accession number 83930673. Ellerton and Henderson unknown books
1860réf. 6445Tallula Ms: November 28 1860. Very good. 4pp. on a bifolium. Minor soiling and wear along old folds. Otherwise clean. Written in the immediate aftermath of the Election of 1860 this letter presents a ground-level account of Southern uncertainty at the onset of the secession crisis with a very notable section on the Texas slave insurrection panic of 1860. The writer Isaac E. Nicholson lived in a region of the Mississippi Delta with a large population of enslaved people and he attempts to balance a lingering attachment to the Union with mounting fears of insurrection political collapse and economic instability. The letter moves between national politics local anxieties reports of violence in Texas and personal family concerns. He begins by describing the intensity of the moment: "The whole country is in a blaze of political excitement. Secession is the watchword." Despite this Nicholson positions himself at least provisionally against immediate disunion advocating delay and negotiation: "To wait at least two yrs.and in the mean time make certain demands upon the Northern States. This will make it a test question.whether there is any spirit of compromise left." He adds that "With the present Congress & the Supreme Court favorable to the South it is impossible for her to suffer materially" though he concedes that he may be "Left alone to support it." That moderation is undercut by a stark expression of racialized fear: "We who live in a country with about 30 blacks to one white man slumbering over a volcano.cannot long remain silent." He continues "It is no trivial matter.to retire at night with a probability of being murdered before morning. This thing has a reality here." He concludes that "The fine alternative of Revolution.will become necessary unless their aggressions.cease." The most dramatic section concerns events in Texas where Nicholson reports that his brother suffered heavy losses during unrest in Dallas: "His office & furniture & his whole library were destroyed by fire" and "His dwelling house was set on fire at three different times." He attributes the destruction to "Abolition Preachers.forced to leave for tampering with slaves" who "Endeavored to avenge themselves" adding that "The whole town of Dallas West was laid in ruins. They were both hung by a mob." Financial losses are detailed as well: "About $2000" destroyed followed by news that a New Orleans firm holding "$4000 deposited. had failed." This account corresponds to the unrest surrounding the Texas slave insurrection panic of 1860 during which fires in Dallas were widely blamed on enslaved people and Northern abolitionists and suspected agitators including Methodist ministers were expelled or killed by vigilante groups. Three men -- Patrick Jennings Sam Smith and Cato -- were killed in a public execution near Dealey Plaza now renamed Martyrs' Park in their honor. Although Nicholson presents the destruction as organized retaliation historians have generally concluded that the fires were likely accidental with the conspiracy narrative emerging from rumor and fear. His description reflects how these events circulated in Southern correspondence at the time combining real violence with exaggerated or misinterpreted causes and the passages are notable for the blending of what was presumably fact -- his brother's house catching on fire -- with the fiction of abolitionists arsonists. We find no records of correspondence or any material relating to these events in auction records or on the market at the time of writing. Overall a scarce account overall of a tragic episode in Texas history and the rumor mill that fueled it. November 28 unknown
1860réf. 6445Tallula Ms: November 28 1860. Very good. 4pp. on a bifolium. Minor soiling and wear along old folds. Otherwise clean. Written in the immediate aftermath of the Election of 1860 this letter presents a ground-level account of Southern uncertainty at the onset of the secession crisis with a very notable section on the Texas slave insurrection panic of 1860. The writer Isaac E. Nicholson lived in a region of the Mississippi Delta with a large population of enslaved people and he attempts to balance a lingering attachment to the Union with mounting fears of insurrection political collapse and economic instability. The letter moves between national politics local anxieties reports of violence in Texas and personal family concerns. He begins by describing the intensity of the moment: "The whole country is in a blaze of political excitement. Secession is the watchword." Despite this Nicholson positions himself at least provisionally against immediate disunion advocating delay and negotiation: "To wait at least two yrs.and in the mean time make certain demands upon the Northern States. This will make it a test question.whether there is any spirit of compromise left." He adds that "With the present Congress & the Supreme Court favorable to the South it is impossible for her to suffer materially" though he concedes that he may be "Left alone to support it." That moderation is undercut by a stark expression of racialized fear: "We who live in a country with about 30 blacks to one white man slumbering over a volcano.cannot long remain silent." He continues "It is no trivial matter.to retire at night with a probability of being murdered before morning. This thing has a reality here." He concludes that "The fine alternative of Revolution.will become necessary unless their aggressions.cease." The most dramatic section concerns events in Texas where Nicholson reports that his brother suffered heavy losses during unrest in Dallas: "His office & furniture & his whole library were destroyed by fire" and "His dwelling house was set on fire at three different times." He attributes the destruction to "Abolition Preachers.forced to leave for tampering with slaves" who "Endeavored to avenge themselves" adding that "The whole town of Dallas West was laid in ruins. They were both hung by a mob." Financial losses are detailed as well: "About $2000" destroyed followed by news that a New Orleans firm holding "$4000 deposited. had failed." This account corresponds to the unrest surrounding the Texas slave insurrection panic of 1860 during which fires in Dallas were widely blamed on enslaved people and Northern abolitionists and suspected agitators including Methodist ministers were expelled or killed by vigilante groups. Three men -- Patrick Jennings Sam Smith and Cato -- were killed in a public execution near Dealey Plaza now renamed Martyrs' Park in their honor. Although Nicholson presents the destruction as organized retaliation historians have generally concluded that the fires were likely accidental with the conspiracy narrative emerging from rumor and fear. His description reflects how these events circulated in Southern correspondence at the time combining real violence with exaggerated or misinterpreted causes and the passages are notable for the blending of what was presumably fact -- his brother's house catching on fire -- with the fiction of abolitionists arsonists. We find no records of correspondence or any material relating to these events in auction records or on the market at the time of writing. Overall a scarce account overall of a tragic episode in Texas history and the rumor mill that fueled it. November 28 unknown books
1845réf. 1216681845. First Edition. PHILLIPS Wendell. Can Abolitionists Vote or Take Office under the United States Constitution New York: American Anti-Slavery Society 1845. Octavo half calf-gilt marbled boards; pp. 1-3 4-39 1. $1500.First edition of the provocative abolitionist's fierce attack on the ConstitutionÑproclaiming it ""an irredeemably proslavery document""Ñdeclaring its legacy implicates ""all Americans in the crimes of slaveholding"" and caused the American flag to be weighed ""heavy with blood.""An eloquent writer and orator abolitionist Wendell Phillips was the ""most important ally"" of William Lloyd Garrison who famously contended the Constitution was a ""covenant with death"" and ""an agreement with Hell."" As Garrison's ""deepest source of inspiration"" Phillips saw the ""abolitionist as the catalyst for revolution."" In this seminal work he contends ""that the U.S. Constitution was an irredeemably proslavery documentÉ and abolitionists must withdraw support from the political system because it implicated all Americans in the crimes of slaveholding"" ANB. He notes herein that since the ratification of the Constitution Americans witnessed ""slaves trebling in numbersÑslaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the GovernmentÉ making the courts of the country their tools.""A citizen's vote Phillips declares is ""an oath to support the ConstitutionÑthe whole of itÉ a contract with the whole nation"" emphasis in original. He cites key clauses quotes statements made by James Madison and others during its ratification and counters a series of 16 objections to the Garrisonian/Phillips position. In answering ""the question of slavery"" he states: ""we are not dealing with extreme casesÉ every sixth man is a slaveÉ the national banner clings to the flag-staff heavy with bloodÉ If the Constitution is not what history unbroken practice and the courts prove that our fathers intended to make it and what too their descendantsÉ say they did make it and agree to upholdÑwho shall decide what the Constitution is"" Scholar Paul Finkelman points out that while there now seems certain failure in the Garrisonian/Phillips position that the Constitution ""logically led to the conclusion that the free states should secede from the unionÉ in the 1830s and 40s the idea of a northern secession as a way of destroying slavery made some senseÉ what would happen if the Garrisonians accomplished their goal and the North left the Union to form a nation based on freedom instead of slavery It would be like moving the Canadian border to the Mason-Dixon line. Suddenly slavery would be threatened in Kentucky and Virginia because slaves could now escape to a free country just by crossing the Ohio River"" Making a Covenant. Phillips is widely esteemed as ""a commanding presence in the history of the nation's struggles to overcome racial and economic injustice"" ANB. First edition first printing: No. 13 The Anti-Slavery Examiner. '""Introduction"" signed in print ""Wendell Phillips. Boston Jan. 15 1845."" With ""Extracts from J.Q. Adams"" at rear. Sabin 81919. Text very fresh tiny gutter-edge-pinholes from original stitching handsomely bound. hardcover
1845réf. 1216681845. First Edition. PHILLIPS Wendell. Can Abolitionists Vote or Take Office under the United States Constitution New York: American Anti-Slavery Society 1845. Octavo half calf-gilt marbled boards; pp. 1-3 4-39 1. $1500.First edition of the provocative abolitionist's fierce attack on the ConstitutionÑproclaiming it ""an irredeemably proslavery document""Ñdeclaring its legacy implicates ""all Americans in the crimes of slaveholding"" and caused the American flag to be weighed ""heavy with blood.""An eloquent writer and orator abolitionist Wendell Phillips was the ""most important ally"" of William Lloyd Garrison who famously contended the Constitution was a ""covenant with death"" and ""an agreement with Hell."" As Garrison's ""deepest source of inspiration"" Phillips saw the ""abolitionist as the catalyst for revolution."" In this seminal work he contends ""that the U.S. Constitution was an irredeemably proslavery documentÉ and abolitionists must withdraw support from the political system because it implicated all Americans in the crimes of slaveholding"" ANB. He notes herein that since the ratification of the Constitution Americans witnessed ""slaves trebling in numbersÑslaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the GovernmentÉ making the courts of the country their tools.""A citizen's vote Phillips declares is ""an oath to support the ConstitutionÑthe whole of itÉ a contract with the whole nation"" emphasis in original. He cites key clauses quotes statements made by James Madison and others during its ratification and counters a series of 16 objections to the Garrisonian/Phillips position. In answering ""the question of slavery"" he states: ""we are not dealing with extreme casesÉ every sixth man is a slaveÉ the national banner clings to the flag-staff heavy with bloodÉ If the Constitution is not what history unbroken practice and the courts prove that our fathers intended to make it and what too their descendantsÉ say they did make it and agree to upholdÑwho shall decide what the Constitution is"" Scholar Paul Finkelman points out that while there now seems certain failure in the Garrisonian/Phillips position that the Constitution ""logically led to the conclusion that the free states should secede from the unionÉ in the 1830s and 40s the idea of a northern secession as a way of destroying slavery made some senseÉ what would happen if the Garrisonians accomplished their goal and the North left the Union to form a nation based on freedom instead of slavery It would be like moving the Canadian border to the Mason-Dixon line. Suddenly slavery would be threatened in Kentucky and Virginia because slaves could now escape to a free country just by crossing the Ohio River"" Making a Covenant. Phillips is widely esteemed as ""a commanding presence in the history of the nation's struggles to overcome racial and economic injustice"" ANB. First edition first printing: No. 13 The Anti-Slavery Examiner. '""Introduction"" signed in print ""Wendell Phillips. Boston Jan. 15 1845."" With ""Extracts from J.Q. Adams"" at rear. Sabin 81919. Text very fresh tiny gutter-edge-pinholes from original stitching handsomely bound. hardcover books
1883réf. 1255001883. First Edition. Signed. PILLSBURY Parker. Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles. Concord N.H.: Clague Wegman Schlicht 1883. Octavo original gilt-lettered brown cloth floral endpapers; pp. 503. $1500.First edition of the fearless abolitionist's memoir a distinctive presentation copy inscribed by Pillsbury to ""To Mr. & Mrs. F. M. CÑ With sincere regards and best wishes of their friend Parker Pillsbury. Concord New Hampshire 1894."" Hailed as a ""fighting book"" it documents the bold tactics of this notorious radical who early warned America was ""hastening toÉ a baptism of blood"" and was praised by Emerson as a ""tough oak stock of a man not to be silenced or insulted or intimidated"" a splendid copy in original cloth.Born in Massachusetts in 1809 the son of a blacksmith Pillsbury became a Congregational minister but was soon famed as one of the era's most radical abolitionists. Having once witnessed a slave auction he recorded its advertisement of: ""'two mules a horse andÉ 27 Negroes'É Does any mortal man or woman"" he asked ""comprehend all the tremendous meaning of those words"" Infamous for his apocalyptic style and confrontational tactics Pillsbury early declared the nation was ""hastening to its baptism. It is a baptism of blood."" He was resolute in denying any possible ""union with slave-holders""and also insisted ""women must be given their due rights."" Emerson admired him as a ""tough oak stock of a man not to be silenced or insulted or intimidated by a mob because he is more mob than they. He mobs the mob."" He was ""in Susan B. Anthony's eyes the Jeremiah of the anti-slavery movement"" Filler Parker Pillsbury 315 328-37.Fiercely anticlerical in his writings and in action Pillsbury would dramatically interrupt ""religious servicesÉ calling on audiences to 'come out' from their proslavery churches."" He linked most clergy to timid politicians and cautious abolitionists proclaiming them a ""brotherhood of thieves"" Robertson Hard Cold Stern Life 189. Pillsbury's 1883 memoir Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles was above all ""a fighting book."" In it he writes of his esteem for his fellow white radical Stephen S. Foster and leading Black abolitionists such as David Ruggles as well as his disdain for Lincoln; Pillsbury ""never forgot that the idolized Lincoln meant to save the Union and not necessarily to free the slaves"" Filler 336. First edition first printing: issued in brown cloth this copy and in green cloth no priority determined. Blockson 9099. See Work 304 1884 edition. This copy is inscribed to ""To Mr. & Mrs. F. M. Crosby."" It is notable that while there was a Crosby family of abolitionists in New Hampshire the identity of this copy's recipients could not be confirmed.Text pristine; tiniest bit of soiling to cloth. An especially handsome copy in fine condition. hardcover
1883réf. 1255001883. First Edition. Signed. PILLSBURY Parker. Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles. Concord N.H.: Clague Wegman Schlicht 1883. Octavo original gilt-lettered brown cloth floral endpapers; pp. 503. $1500.First edition of the fearless abolitionist's memoir a distinctive presentation copy inscribed by Pillsbury to ""To Mr. & Mrs. F. M. CÑ With sincere regards and best wishes of their friend Parker Pillsbury. Concord New Hampshire 1894."" Hailed as a ""fighting book"" it documents the bold tactics of this notorious radical who early warned America was ""hastening toÉ a baptism of blood"" and was praised by Emerson as a ""tough oak stock of a man not to be silenced or insulted or intimidated"" a splendid copy in original cloth.Born in Massachusetts in 1809 the son of a blacksmith Pillsbury became a Congregational minister but was soon famed as one of the era's most radical abolitionists. Having once witnessed a slave auction he recorded its advertisement of: ""'two mules a horse andÉ 27 Negroes'É Does any mortal man or woman"" he asked ""comprehend all the tremendous meaning of those words"" Infamous for his apocalyptic style and confrontational tactics Pillsbury early declared the nation was ""hastening to its baptism. It is a baptism of blood."" He was resolute in denying any possible ""union with slave-holders""and also insisted ""women must be given their due rights."" Emerson admired him as a ""tough oak stock of a man not to be silenced or insulted or intimidated by a mob because he is more mob than they. He mobs the mob."" He was ""in Susan B. Anthony's eyes the Jeremiah of the anti-slavery movement"" Filler Parker Pillsbury 315 328-37.Fiercely anticlerical in his writings and in action Pillsbury would dramatically interrupt ""religious servicesÉ calling on audiences to 'come out' from their proslavery churches."" He linked most clergy to timid politicians and cautious abolitionists proclaiming them a ""brotherhood of thieves"" Robertson Hard Cold Stern Life 189. Pillsbury's 1883 memoir Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles was above all ""a fighting book."" In it he writes of his esteem for his fellow white radical Stephen S. Foster and leading Black abolitionists such as David Ruggles as well as his disdain for Lincoln; Pillsbury ""never forgot that the idolized Lincoln meant to save the Union and not necessarily to free the slaves"" Filler 336. First edition first printing: issued in brown cloth this copy and in green cloth no priority determined. Blockson 9099. See Work 304 1884 edition. This copy is inscribed to ""To Mr. & Mrs. F. M. Crosby."" It is notable that while there was a Crosby family of abolitionists in New Hampshire the identity of this copy's recipients could not be confirmed.Text pristine; tiniest bit of soiling to cloth. An especially handsome copy in fine condition. hardcover books
1850réf. 1210761850. First Edition. SLAVERY SMITH Gerrit. Substance of the Speech Made by Gerrit Smith in the Capitol of the State of New York March 11th and 12th 1850. Albany: Jacob T. Hazen 1850. Octavo period-style half calf gilt marbled boards; pp. 1-3 4-25 26-27 28-30. $1500.First edition of the bold abolitionist's Speech proclaiming the Constitution ""does not allow the three million of our colored countrymen to be held in slavery"" a close friend of Frederick Douglass who ""openly embraced Smith's version of an antislavery interpretation of the Constitution"" delivered the same decade as John Brown's Harpers Ferry raid substantially financed by Smith.Smith a wealthy philanthropist was ""among the most outspoken"" of white abolitionists Jackson Force and Freedom 65. Once linked to William Lloyd Garrison's view of the Constitution as a ""covenant with death"" Smith split from Garrison and became a founder of both the Liberty Party and its successor the Radical Abolitionist Party. He was as well key in forging a close interracial alliance between Frederick Douglass Black abolitionist and physician James McCune Smith and John Brown. The four men shared the goal of achieving ""a 'radical change' in government."" By the early 1850s Douglass ""openly embraced Smith's version of an antislavery interpretation of the Constitution"" Blight 213. To Smith Douglass and figures as Alvan Stewart and Lysander Spooner ""the Constitution empoweredÑeven requiredÑCongress to abolish slavery in the southern states by direct legislationÉ As an editor Douglass had always engaged with national politics. Now the federal authority at the base of slavery's stranglehold on America became his intensive focus"" Blight 214; emphasis in original.This very scarce first edition captures the force of Smith's groundbreaking 1850 Speech and clearly demonstrates the breadth of his constitutional argument. Declaring ""law is for the protection of rightsÑnot for the destruction of rights"" emphasis in original he cites passages in the Declaration and Bill of Rights and addresses the pivotal ""three-fifths"" clause. Smith proclaims the Founding Fathers did not intend ""to make this whole land the slaveholder's hunting ground"" and asserts the Constitution ""does not allow the three million of our colored countrymen to be held in slavery."" He would use his wealth to help establish a Black settlement at North Elba N.Y. which was ""John Brown's permanent residence from 1854 until his death"" Stauffer Black Hearts 3. After Harpers Ferry and Brown's execution Smith faced demands that he be tried as an ""accessory after the fact."" While he ""publicly denied it Smith gave warm encouragement and financial assistance"" to Brown and the Harpers Ferry insurrection. Yet ""guilt over the failure of Brown's raid and fear of possible arrest as a co-conspirator caused Smith to commit himself to the Utica State Lunatic Asylum"" ANB. In time he publicly retreated from his Radical Abolitionist stance and died in 1874. Sabin 82670. A fine copy. hardcover
1850réf. 1210761850. First Edition. SLAVERY SMITH Gerrit. Substance of the Speech Made by Gerrit Smith in the Capitol of the State of New York March 11th and 12th 1850. Albany: Jacob T. Hazen 1850. Octavo period-style half calf gilt marbled boards; pp. 1-3 4-25 26-27 28-30. $1500.First edition of the bold abolitionist's Speech proclaiming the Constitution ""does not allow the three million of our colored countrymen to be held in slavery"" a close friend of Frederick Douglass who ""openly embraced Smith's version of an antislavery interpretation of the Constitution"" delivered the same decade as John Brown's Harpers Ferry raid substantially financed by Smith.Smith a wealthy philanthropist was ""among the most outspoken"" of white abolitionists Jackson Force and Freedom 65. Once linked to William Lloyd Garrison's view of the Constitution as a ""covenant with death"" Smith split from Garrison and became a founder of both the Liberty Party and its successor the Radical Abolitionist Party. He was as well key in forging a close interracial alliance between Frederick Douglass Black abolitionist and physician James McCune Smith and John Brown. The four men shared the goal of achieving ""a 'radical change' in government."" By the early 1850s Douglass ""openly embraced Smith's version of an antislavery interpretation of the Constitution"" Blight 213. To Smith Douglass and figures as Alvan Stewart and Lysander Spooner ""the Constitution empoweredÑeven requiredÑCongress to abolish slavery in the southern states by direct legislationÉ As an editor Douglass had always engaged with national politics. Now the federal authority at the base of slavery's stranglehold on America became his intensive focus"" Blight 214; emphasis in original.This very scarce first edition captures the force of Smith's groundbreaking 1850 Speech and clearly demonstrates the breadth of his constitutional argument. Declaring ""law is for the protection of rightsÑnot for the destruction of rights"" emphasis in original he cites passages in the Declaration and Bill of Rights and addresses the pivotal ""three-fifths"" clause. Smith proclaims the Founding Fathers did not intend ""to make this whole land the slaveholder's hunting ground"" and asserts the Constitution ""does not allow the three million of our colored countrymen to be held in slavery."" He would use his wealth to help establish a Black settlement at North Elba N.Y. which was ""John Brown's permanent residence from 1854 until his death"" Stauffer Black Hearts 3. After Harpers Ferry and Brown's execution Smith faced demands that he be tried as an ""accessory after the fact."" While he ""publicly denied it Smith gave warm encouragement and financial assistance"" to Brown and the Harpers Ferry insurrection. Yet ""guilt over the failure of Brown's raid and fear of possible arrest as a co-conspirator caused Smith to commit himself to the Utica State Lunatic Asylum"" ANB. In time he publicly retreated from his Radical Abolitionist stance and died in 1874. Sabin 82670. A fine copy. hardcover books
1825réf. 41192London: Printed by Ellerton and Henderson Gough Square for the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the British Dominions; and Sold by J. Hatchard and Son Piccadilly; and J. and A. Arch Cornhill 1825. iv 164 pp. Some foxing to first and last few leaves; title and last page toned. Bound in modern dark boards with gilt-lettered title stamped on front cover. Good plus. A second edition issued in 1826. The book reviews developments concerning slavery in each of the British West India colonies: laws for free people of color and for slaves manumissions proposed reforms and objections to reforms trials of alleged rebels and insurgents including the destruction of the Methodist chapel in Barbados and revolts and trials in Jamaica changes in the law punishments inflicted manumissions the slave trade slave unrest. "The reports were called for in order to learn what had been done in the way of effecting amelioration in the colonies. This work brought out by the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the British Dominions. . . showing that nothing substantial has been done" Ragatz. It "presents cases of extreme cruelty" id. to slaves in Berbice. Authorship and editorship are attributed to Zachary Macaulay founder and organizer of several antislavery societies and a major force in accomplishing the British Emancipation. He focused on providing a picture of Negro Slavery based on reports of "the colonists themselves." FIRST EDITION. Ragatz 458. Sabin 82063. Not in LCP. Printed by Ellerton and Henderson, Gough Square, for the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout unknown
1825réf. 41192London: Printed by Ellerton and Henderson Gough Square for the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the British Dominions; and Sold by J. Hatchard and Son Piccadilly; and J. and A. Arch Cornhill 1825. iv 164 pp. Some foxing to first and last few leaves; title and last page toned. Bound in modern dark boards with gilt-lettered title stamped on front cover. Good plus. A second edition issued in 1826. The book reviews developments concerning slavery in each of the British West India colonies: laws for free people of color and for slaves manumissions proposed reforms and objections to reforms trials of alleged rebels and insurgents including the destruction of the Methodist chapel in Barbados and revolts and trials in Jamaica changes in the law punishments inflicted manumissions the slave trade slave unrest. "The reports were called for in order to learn what had been done in the way of effecting amelioration in the colonies. This work brought out by the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the British Dominions. . . showing that nothing substantial has been done" Ragatz. It "presents cases of extreme cruelty" id. to slaves in Berbice. Authorship and editorship are attributed to Zachary Macaulay founder and organizer of several antislavery societies and a major force in accomplishing the British Emancipation. He focused on providing a picture of Negro Slavery based on reports of "the colonists themselves." FIRST EDITION. Ragatz 458. Sabin 82063. Not in LCP. Printed by Ellerton and Henderson, Gough Square, for the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout unknown books
1710réf. 1200341710. First Edition. SLAVERY ANONYMOUS. A True State of the Present Difference Between the Royal African Company and the Separate Traders. London: No publisher 1710. Slim octavo period-style full tan sheep gilt red morocco spine label raised bands; pp. 40. $1650.First edition of this argument against providing a monopoly over the British slave trade to the Royal African Company with tipped-in diagram of one of the Royal African Company's forts.This work attempts to highlight the irregularities of the business practices of the Royal African Company and to argue for the superiority of open trade in Africa particularly as a means of supplying slaves to the American plantations. Founded in 1660 by the royal Stuart family and the City of London the Royal African Company was founded to exploit natural resources like gold along the west coast of Africa. While the Royal African Company did participate heavily in the gold trade the majority of their income came from slave-trading. The Royal African Company was part of a concerted effortÑfully elaboration in the Navigation ActsÑto establish dominance in the slave trade since the Dutch had been the leading slave-traders prior to the Restoration. To that end the Royal African Company established a brutal and highly efficient slave-trading system eventually providing more slaves to the West Indies than any other company or state. The slaves were branded with the initials of the company or its longtime governor the Duke of York. Children were included in the transports. Between 1662 and 1731 the Company transported approximately 212000 slaves a fifth of whom died enroute. While the Company formally gave up slave-trading in 1731 they remained involved in the trade of ivory and gold dust industries dependent on labor exploitation and slavery. Goldsmiths 4605. Kress 2677. Early ink underlining and marginal notations.Small paper repair to diagram text and diagram trimmed close affecting portion of imprint and scattered catchwords not affecting readability. A very good copy. hardcover
1710réf. 1200341710. First Edition. SLAVERY ANONYMOUS. A True State of the Present Difference Between the Royal African Company and the Separate Traders. London: No publisher 1710. Slim octavo period-style full tan sheep gilt red morocco spine label raised bands; pp. 40. $1650.First edition of this argument against providing a monopoly over the British slave trade to the Royal African Company with tipped-in diagram of one of the Royal African Company's forts.This work attempts to highlight the irregularities of the business practices of the Royal African Company and to argue for the superiority of open trade in Africa particularly as a means of supplying slaves to the American plantations. Founded in 1660 by the royal Stuart family and the City of London the Royal African Company was founded to exploit natural resources like gold along the west coast of Africa. While the Royal African Company did participate heavily in the gold trade the majority of their income came from slave-trading. The Royal African Company was part of a concerted effortÑfully elaboration in the Navigation ActsÑto establish dominance in the slave trade since the Dutch had been the leading slave-traders prior to the Restoration. To that end the Royal African Company established a brutal and highly efficient slave-trading system eventually providing more slaves to the West Indies than any other company or state. The slaves were branded with the initials of the company or its longtime governor the Duke of York. Children were included in the transports. Between 1662 and 1731 the Company transported approximately 212000 slaves a fifth of whom died enroute. While the Company formally gave up slave-trading in 1731 they remained involved in the trade of ivory and gold dust industries dependent on labor exploitation and slavery. Goldsmiths 4605. Kress 2677. Early ink underlining and marginal notations.Small paper repair to diagram text and diagram trimmed close affecting portion of imprint and scattered catchwords not affecting readability. A very good copy. hardcover books
1803réf. 301729 germinal An 11 (19 avril 1803) 1803 Trois pages in-folio sur papier filigrané « Texier Ponbreton » aux armes du bonnet frégien (An 2). Manuscrit à l’encre brune, se composant d’un tableau détaillant la condition des personnes détenues à bord de la corvette. Les catégories sont : nom / sexe / qualité / couleur / libre / esclave / observations. Il s’agit de l’état dressé des prisonniers, libres et esclaves, détenus à bord de la corvette « La Sagesse » le 29 germinal an 11 (19 avril 1803) en rade du Fort « Dhauphin » (Fort liberté). Le document est signé par le capitaine commandant Barnetche et l’agent comptable Peychaud. La liste contient quarante-quatre noms dans lesquels on ne relève que quatre blancs, les catégories font frémir : blanc, négresse libre, négresse esclave, mulâtre libre, griffon (enfant issu d’un.e mulâtre et d’un.e noir.e), gartron , nergilion … Les observations portées en marge sont explicites. En voici quelques exemples. "Harteaux", homme, blanc , « vagabond magasin et voleur d’une montre ! Au moins déportation ! »Tous les membres proches de la famille d’Albert qu’ils soient libres ou esclaves sont affublés du commentaire suivant « Canaille Canaille de la famille Albert. Quinze individus très dangereux à conserver (gouverner ?) »Leferve, femme mulâtre, libre : « Son fils est passé à l’ennemi et carabinier d’Albert »On note le nom de Marie, domestique, caractéristique : « enfant, négresse et esclave. » Plus loin Louis d’Espinase, une femme quarteronne, libre : « Concubine de La Croze, fusillé (…) » La majorité des détenus sont des femmes comme cette Cassile, mulâtresse esclave qualifiée de « Concubine d’un chasseur passé à l’ennemi ». Un autre blanc se glisse au milieu de cette sinistre liste, il s’appelle Bassidaux, c’est « un lâche et un traitre », il écrit « fusillable » souligné deux fois, puis encore « Ce Bassidaux est fusillable ! » Sur d’autres « Je ne veux point de ces hommes chasseurs » « Concubine de chasseur » Fanchonelle, femme, négresse, esclave « Concubine d’un chasseur passé à l’ennemi ».Sophie, blanche, taxée de « Concubine de l’Univers et d’un chasseur ennemi » Quasiment tous les prisonniers ont le droit à ces commentaires cinglants « coquinissime », « déportable », « ce français italien de nation » , « parente des deux babys fusillées hier » « à chasser ». Sur des négrillons, esclaves : « enfants : très petits enfants »
réf. ORD-12743Paris. Imprimerie Royale. Juin 1844. In-4 (220 x 270mm) cartonnage vert de l'éditeur, 2ff., 668 pages. Cachet de bibliothèque au fx-titre, qq. pages brunies, couverture un peu tachée mais exemplaire solide en plutôt bon état. Ouvrage rare et d'une grande importance sur la condition des esclaves dans les colonies françaises, paru avant l'acte d'émancipation en Avril 1848. Sabin, 14712.
