27.972 risultati
1981rif. LFA01a68Une plaquette de 62 pages, format 135 x 215 mm, brochée, publiée en 1981, Editions du Cerf - Vie Montante
1981rif. LFA01a69Une plaquette de 62 pages, format 135 x 215 mm, brochée, publiée en 1981, Editions du Cerf - Vie Montante
1982rif. LFA01a6aUne plaquette de 62 pages, format 135 x 215 mm, brochée, publiée en 1982, Editions du Cerf - Vie Montante
rif. 3094P., Gauthier-Villars, 1905, 2 fort volumes in 8 brochés couvertures imprimées, 16pp., 1138pp.
rif. LBW02e5eAmsterdam circa 1720 368 x 429 mm.
1592rif. LBW0251e[Anvers, 1592]. 349 x 496 mm.
1603rif. LBW02528[Anvers, 1603]. 344 x 420 mm.
1608rif. LBW01b3a[Anvers, 1608]. 335 x 486 mm.
rif. 3095P., Gauthier-Villars, 1905, 2 fort volumes in 8 reliés en demi-basane marron, dos ornés de filets dorés (reliures de l'époque), (dos frottés), 16pp., 1138pp.
rif. 4530New Haven, Yale University Press, 1979, 3 VOLUMES in 4 reliés en pleine toile éditeur, T.1 : 1 portrait, 37pp., 694pp., T.2 : 1 portrait, 45pp., 582pp., T.3 : 1 portrait, 32pp., 270pp.
1992rif. LFA00ee8Un ouvrage de 439 pages, format 240 x 150 mm, illustré, broché couverture couleurs, publié en 1992, Editions France-Empire, bon état
1864rif. 376854Np 1864. Broadside 9-3/4x8-3/4 inches. Remnants of prior mounting on verso small separation at horizontal fold repaired with tape. Broadside 9-3/4x8-3/4 inches. Rare broadside or handbill printing of the famous telegram sent by Abraham Lincoln to General George B. McClellan early in the Civil War expressing his frustration at McClellan's unwillingness to engage the enemy during the Peninsular Campaign and urging him in no uncertain terms to attack the Confederates. Lincoln uses a combination of reason force assessment and strategic reasoning in an attempt to draw McClellan into the fight famously concluding "you must act." This small broadside was published either in an effort to galvanize the public into pressuring the always reluctant McClellan to engage Confederate forces under General Joseph E. Johnston or perhaps as a campaign piece for the Election of 1864 to remind voters of McClellan's failures as a leader. Six months following its stinging defeat at the Battle of Bull Run the Union Army was reorganized trained and reformed into the Army of the Potomac by Major General George B. McClellan. After four months of training and reorganization however McClellan had done little more with his troops than run drills and reviews. In December 1861 President Lincoln took matters into his own hands and proposed the Peninsular Campaign March 1862 - July 1862 against Johnston's Confederate forces in which the Army of the Potomac would use a flanking attack in the nearby Occoquan Valley to capture Johnston and his army. McClellan rejected Lincoln's plan in favor of his own which consisted of a flanking movement much further south without leaving enough troops behind to protect Washington. Although Lincoln eventually acceded to McClellan's plan he held back the First Corps of the Army of the Potomac under the command of General McDowell for the protection of Washington. McClellan's plans were thwarted by Johnston who had in the interim moved the Confederate forces further south causing McClellan to march his men all the way to Yorktown deep in the Virginia peninsula. Instead of mounting a direct attack against the 17000 Confederates near Yorktown with his massive contingent of 70000 Union soldiers McClellan always overestimating Confederate forces and always fearful of failure took the safer route and laid siege to Yorktown which allowed Johnston to move his whole army down to Yorktown in opposition. In an April 7th telegram to Lincoln McClellan firm in his belief that he was always outnumbered by the Confederate forces complained that Lincoln held back too many troops for the protection of Washington which hamstrung his efforts for a successful campaign. In the present telegram to McClellan composed on April 9 Lincoln patiently responds: "Your dispatches complaining that you are not properly sustained while they do not offend me pain me very much." Lincoln continues "After you left to begin the Peninsular Campaign I ascertained that less than 20000 unorganized men without a field battery were all you designed should be left for the defense of Washington.This presented or would present.a great temptation for the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington.My explicit directions that Washington sustained by the judgment of all the commanders of corps should be left secure had been entirely neglected. It was precisely this that drove me to detain McDowell." Lincoln refutes McClellan's belief that he did not have enough troops by using McClellan's own troop estimates obtained from the Secretary of War to argue McClellan into action stating that when "the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you.I think it is the precise time for you to strike a blow." Lincoln patiently tries to convince McClellan of the consequences of his inaction: "the enemy will readily gain on you; that is he will gain faster by fortifications and re-enforecments than you can by re-enforcements alone" and forcefully concludes "And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow." Lincoln then shows his brilliance as a judge of character addressing McClellan's fear of failure by holding up the public consequences of his inaction: "The country will not fail to note - is now noting - that the present hesitation to move upon an intrenched sic enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated." Then knowing by experience of McClellan's personal defensiveness Lincoln concludes in the words of Lincoln biographers John G. Nicolay and John M. Hay "with as much consideration and kindness as a father would use towards a querulous and petulant child." He ends his telegram writing "I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in greater kindness of feeling than now nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can. But you must act." Ultimately the Peninsular Campaign failed and the Army of the Potomac withdrew from the Virginia Peninsula in July 1862. By November of 1862 Lincoln frustrated with McClellan's lack of initiative on the field finally removed him from command and replaced him with General Ambrose Burnside as commander of the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln would later encounter McClellan as his Democratic adversary in the Presidential election of 1864 easily defeating him. OCLC lists just six copies located at New York Historical Society University of Delaware Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library Boston Athenaeum Library Company of Philadelphia and the Huntington Library. A rare and important printing of one of Lincoln's most famous messages of the Civil War. Nicolay John G. and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln: A History New York: The Century Company 1890 Volume 5 p.362 unknown books
1860rif. 376855New York: Office of the New York Tribune 1860. First edition Monaghan's first issue. 1 2-15 1pp. With New York Tribune ads and subscription terms on verso of the terminal leaf. 8vo. Stitched self-wrappers toning. First edition Monaghan's first issue. 1 2-15 1pp. With New York Tribune ads and subscription terms on verso of the terminal leaf. 8vo. This address made at the Cooper Institute in New York on February 27 1860 catapulted Lincoln into the public eye and made him a viable presidential candidate. Indeed many historians have considered it the key to his success in the 1860 election and it is probably the most important speech Lincoln made after the Gettysburg Address and his inaugural addresses. The Cooper Union address was months in preparation; Lincoln was fully aware of its importance in moving himself from a regional favorite son to a viable national candidate. In the event some 1500 people including many prominent political figures attended on a snowy new York evening. The speech divides into three major parts. In the first Lincoln addressed the spread of slavery arguing that the framers of the constitution had been opposed to it and that the Federal government could regulate the question. In the second he argued that the Republicans were not a sectional Northern party and attacked the threats of southern Democrats to secede if the Republicans should win the election. Finally he addressed his fellow Republicans calling on them to act carefully and do "nothing through passion and ill temper.Let us have faith that right makes might and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it." The Cooper Union speech was a resounding success. Horace Greeley described it as "one of the happiest and most convincing political arguments ever made in this City. No man ever made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience." Greeley quickly issued the speech in the form of this "Tribune Tract." It includes a final page of advertisements for other Tribune publications. The speech was later widely reprinted and made Lincoln nationally famous. This printing differs from other editions by its inclusion of a speech by James Doolittle Senator from Wisconsin and the message of Samuel Medary Democratic governor of the Kansas Territory vetoing the Kansas abolition bill. "The Cooper Union address tested whether Lincoln's appeal could extend from the podium to the page and from the rollicking campaigns of the rural West to the urban East. Cooper Union held the promise of transforming Lincoln from a regional phenomenon to a national figure. Lincoln knew it and rose to the occasion" Harold Holzer Lincoln at the Copper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President. Monaghan 50 Office of the New York Tribune unknown books
2015rif. 217509Cantabria Spain: Sala De Arte Robayera 2015. First edition. Softcover. 26 pages. Exhibition catalog for a show that ran June 27 through July 25 2015. Text in Spanish. Features an essay by Pedro G. Romero. Includes numerous color illustrations list of previous exhibitions and other biographical information. A fine copy in French style wrappers. Uncommon. Sala De Arte Robayera unknown books
1865rif. 376410Montauk Montauk Navy Yard Wash D.C. 1865. 4 pp. 8vo. Slight soiling and minor tears along old folds otherwise in very good condition. 4 pp. 8vo. ".About 10:25 P.M. a man came in and walked slowly along the side." A remarkably clear and dramatic eyewitness account of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln from a naval surgeon who was close to the President's box at Ford's theater on that fateful night of April 14 1865. In this letter to his brother written the night after the assassination while the details were still fresh in his memory Dr. George B. Todd surgeon aboard the U.S. "Montauk" at anchor in the Navy Yard that day recounts the terrible event with a clarity of observation one might expect of his profession-a rarity among confused eyewitness accounts. The text of Todd's letter one of only 7 eyewitness accounts written within 24 hours of the assassination reads: "The few hours that have intervened since that most terrible tragedy of last night have served to give me a little clearer brain and I believe I am now able to give you a clear account up to this hour. Yesterday about 3 P.M. the President and wife drove down to the navy yard and paid our ship a visit going all over her accompanied by us all. Both seemed very happy and so expressed themselves - glad that this war was over or so near its end and then drove back to the White House. In the evening nearly all of us went to the Ford's Theatre. I was very early and got a seat near the President's private box as we heard he was to be there. About half past nine he came in with his wife a Miss Harris and Major Rathburn and was cheered by every one. As soon as there was a silence the play went on and I could see that the "pres." seemed to enjoy it very much. About 10:25 P.M. a man came in and walked slowly along the side on which the 'pres.' box was and I heard a man say "there's Booth" and I turned my head to look at him. He was still walking very slow and was near the box door when he stopped took a card from his pocket wrote something on it and gave it to the usher who took it to the box. In a minute the door was opened and he walked in. No sooner had the door closed then I heard the report of a pistol and on the instant Booth jumped out of the box onto the stage holding in his hand a large knife and shouted so as to be heard all over the house - 'Sic Semper Tyrannis' "so always with tyrants" and fled behind the scenes-I attempted to get to the box but I could not and in an instant the cry was raised 'The President is Assassinated.' "Such a scene I never saw before. The cry spread to the street only to be met by another 'So is Mr. Seward.' Soldiers had gone. Some General handed me a note and bid me go to the nearest telegraph office and arouse the nation. I ran with all my speed and in ten minutes the sad news was all over the country. Today all the city is in mourning nearly every house being in black and I have not seen a smile. No business and many a strong man I have seen in tears. "Some reports say Booth is a prisoner others that he has made his escape but from orders received here I believe he is taken as a mob once raised now would know no end. I will not seal this until morning and I may have some more news. "April 24th. "I have had no time to write until now as I have been a detective. We have now 7 that are implicated. Why don't you write Love to all George" Several important facts regarding the movements of both the President and John Wilkes Booth are recorded here: 1 This appears to be the only eyewitness account of the President's inspection of the "Montauk" earlier that afternoon. 2 Todd's account of Booth's interaction with the "usher" sitting outside the President's box "took a card from his pocket wrote something on it and gave it to the usher" is especially intriguing and reveals not only something of Todd's powers of observations but also his proximity to the assassin immediately before the shooting. Todd alone among eyewitnesses notes that the "usher" first took the card from Booth then went into the box and that a short time later the door opened and Booth went in. In fact Good finds only 7 other eye-witness accounts of the Lincoln assassination as early as April 15-most of these witnesses record little or nothing regarding the events before hearing the shot itself and none of them noticed Booth's interchange with the usher who was in fact Lincoln's valet Charles Forbes. There are three other accounts by eyewitnesses which partially corroborate Todd's observation of the Forbes and Booth interchange-but they were written much later than Todd's. 3 Todd's observation of the time he spotted Booth moving toward the box "about 10:25" corresponds to Good's own conclusion that Booth fired the fatal shot close to 10:30 PM. According to James Swanson MANHUNT p. 419 "the exact time of Booth's shot cannot be fixed . Booth may have shot Lincoln as early as 10:13 or as late as 10:30" Todd's account - again one of the freshest and most reliable weighs heavily in favor of Good. 4 Todd by his own account played a role in alerting the nation by telegraph. 5 Although he doesn't mention it as a surgeon of the ironclad Montauk Todd was also probably present at the autopsy of John Wilkes Booth on Thursday April 27 in the gun room of his ship. Indeed in an article in the February issue of the Baltimore and Ohio Magazine 1926 where the letter was first published and reproduced Todd is reported to have been "one of the surgeons who performed the autopsy." That as well as the fact that the other prisoners were being held on board the ironclad "Montauk" and "Saugus" may explain his cryptic remark near the end ". I have been a detective .". Todd actually mailed the letter on April 30 3 days after the autopsy and may very have participated in the actual investigation of the captives aboard the "Montauk." AN EXTRAORDINARY AND UNIQUE RECORD OF ONE THE NATION'S GREAT TRAGEDIES. Published from a copy in the State Historical Library of Wisconsin in Timothy S. Good WE SAW LINCOLN SHOT U. of Miss. 1995; with the mistaken date of April 30 1865 unknown books
1860rif. 377692New York: Horace Greeley & Co 1860. 32pp. 8vo. Disbound. 32pp. 8vo. An early campaign biography of future president Abraham Lincoln written by John Locke Scripps of the New York Tribune. Scripps reports on the life of Abraham Lincoln in eight chapters touching on the major events of his life and career beginning with his early life and his move to Illinois through his transition from merchant to lawyer and legislator and covering his time in Congress with accounts of Lincoln's opposition to the Mexican-American War his support of the Wilmot Proviso and his involvement with the organization of the Republican Party. Wessen states that this edition was printed by Horace Greeley "from plates cast from the same type forms" as the 1860 Chicago edition which is considered the first published biography of Lincoln. An advertisement for the Tribune and the Tribune Almanac fills the bottom two thirds of the last page. "Most authentic of Lincoln campaign biographies" - Howes. Howes S247a "aa"; Managhan 79 note; Wessen Campaign Lifes of Abraham Lincoln 12 ref; Miles 418a; Abraham Lincoln: His Life in Print p. 85 Horace Greeley & Co unknown books
1861rif. 377680Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office 1861. Special Session Senate Ex. Doc. No. 1. 10pp. 8vo. Disbound. Housed in a cloth box. Special Session Senate Ex. Doc. No. 1. 10pp. 8vo. Lincoln began drafting his first inaugural in Springfield soon after his election hoping the speech would impart a spirit of reconciliation toward the seceded states. His speech balances his pledge to protect Federal property in the south while insisting that he would not use military force unless attacked first. In all he eloquently argues against secession presenting the United States as undissolvable. Lincoln ends his speech with the memorable lines: "We are not enemies but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched as surely they will be by the better angels of our nature." "Lincoln became President on March 4 1861. Before being sworn in he gave his First Inaugural Address devoting it entirely to the secession crisis. It was the linguistic equivalent of an optical illusion: one could view it two ways. As historians have noted he seemed to placate the South; he would not 'interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.' This language was the old Lincoln . The new Lincoln was a resolute executive who had no choice but to enforce the Constitution a contract that does not allow states to withdraw from it unilaterally. In his enforcement there would be no bloodshed 'unless it be forced upon the national authority" Mazy Boroujerdi editor Abraham Lincoln: His Life in Print p. 108. Lincoln had begun writing his inaugural the month prior before leaving Springfield and once in Washington asked William Seward to review the draft. It was Seward who suggested softening the tone so as not to appear too inflammatory suggesting "a nostalgic call for unity emphasizing the country's shared history. Lincoln embraced the idea but massaged it into near poetry. Seward's prosaic text ended up as Lincoln's oft quoted appeals to the 'mystic chords of memory' and 'the better angels of our nature.' The words did nothing to reverse disunion" Ibid. p. 97. This is the official government printing of Lincoln's first inaugural address issued as a document of a special session of the Senate printed by their order four days after its delivery being only the second printing overall of the memorable speech. Monaghan 102; Abraham Lincoln: His Life in Print p. 108 [Government Printing Office] unknown books
1858rif. 376861Springfield IL 1858. 8pp. printed in double columns. 8vo. Unbound. Minor toning. Housed in a cloth box. 8pp. printed in double columns. 8vo. The only separate printing of this address given by Lincoln at Springfield Illinois. Lincoln's speech which preceded his debates with Douglas puts forth the great themes that marked his political philosophy during the last ten years of his life. More importantly it firmly placed Lincoln as against the expansion of slavery and Douglas on the opposite side of the issue. By targeting Douglas a strategy that resurrected Lincoln's political career he made his fellow Illinoisan out to be the embodiment of the wicked forces safeguarding slavery's expansion . This speech is Lincoln's opening salvo against Douglas for the 1858 senate campaign: 'Free men of Illinois - free men of everywhere - judge ye between him and me'" Abraham Lincoln: His Life in Print p. 67 Urging that slavery be placed on course for "ultimate extinction" he repeats his "House Divided" warning first given at the State Republican Convention a month earlier. He insists that the Kansas-Nebraska bill was "the beginning of a conspiracy" to nationalize slavery. Attacking Douglas and defending himself against the charge that he would "invite a war of sections" he stands on "the principles of our Declaration of Independence." Though African Americans are not the equal of whites "in all respects" the Declaration "does mean to declare that all men are equal in some respects; they are equal in the right to 'life liberty and the pursuit of happiness.'" Most significantly "In the right to put into his mouth the bread that his own hands have earned he is the equal of every other man white or black." A scarce Lincoln speech. Monaghan 12; Byrd 2960 unknown books
1866rif. 375831Washington D.C.: John H. Littlefield; Wm. Terry Printer 1866. Photograph by John Goldin of Littlefield's painting on printed mount. Image 5 x 9 1/2 in.; mounted to 11 x 14 in. Faint toning to mount; fine. Photograph by John Goldin of Littlefield's painting on printed mount. Image 5 x 9 1/2 in.; mounted to 11 x 14 in. A published photograph of Littlefield's hyper-realistic Lincoln death-bed painting each figure meticulously rendered from photographs. Littlefield studied law under Lincoln in 1858 stumped for him in his Presidential bid and was rewarded with a position in the Treasury Department. After Lincoln's death Littlefield invented this tableau of twenty-five people ranged around the death-bed including Vice-President Johnson Surgeon Charles Leale and Mrs. Lincoln. "The artist used photographs as models for the twenty-five people gathered in the death room but his profile of the dying Lincoln shows a first-hand acquaintance" Ostendorf LINCOLN'S PHOTOGRAPHS p. 279. John H. Littlefield; Wm. Terry, Printer unknown books
1844rif. 209025New York: Harper & Brothers 1844. Hardcover. 461 pages. 1 A later edition of this classic. Features Alison's text with corrections and improvements by Abraham Mills. An about very good copy in cloth boards with wear to the top of the spine. some foxing throughout and the tiny rubber-stamp: Gift of Nathan Lyons 1930-2016 to the front free endpaper. No dust jacket. A solid copy with an interesting provenance. Harper & Brothers unknown books
1839rif. 373003Vandalia Illinois 1839. First edition. 3 1pp. 8vo. Disbound. Housed in a morocco backed slipcase. First edition. 3 1pp. 8vo. Abraham Lincoln had yet to join the bar when he began his first stint in politics in the Illinois legislature in 1834 serving four consecutive terms in the Assembly through 1841. "This rare printing has the prestige of being the first occurrence of Lincoln's name as the sole author of a work. As a Whig lawmaker he was devoted to his party's program of public works through government financing. After the Panic of 18376 the spending he had advocated for had resulted in massive state debts. To relieve the budgetary burden Lincoln proposed that Illinois acquire land within its borders which the federal government still possessed and then sell the land at a fourfold profit to settlers and speculators resulting in both increased revenues and self-determined land ownership" Boroujerdi. Very rarethoma. Monaghan 1; Boroujerdi et. al. Abraham Lincoln: His Life in Print p. 29 unknown books
1863rif. 373004Washington D.C. 1863. 1p. plus integral blank. 4to 9-3/4x7-3/4 inches. Minor smudging to signature. Housed in a blue full morocco box. 1p. plus integral blank. 4to 9-3/4x7-3/4 inches. The first military draft in U.S. history was passed by Congress in early 1863 and signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln in March of that year. The Enrollment Act or Civil War Military Draft Act required the enrollment of every male citizen between twenty and forty-five years of age as well as those immigrants who had filed for citizenship unless exempted by the Act. It set enlistment quotas for each state and required states to draft men if they did not meet their enlistment quotas through volunteers. It also included the policies of substitution furnishing a suitable substitute to take the draftee's place and commutation paying $300 to avoid the draft which led to substantial resentment among working-class citizens not wealthy enough to pay their way out of service. Only July 13 during the draft lottery in New York City a riot broke out leading to three days of violence and destruction. Although initially focused on the draft the protests subsequently devolved into vicious race riots. The rioters were largely white and in the wake of the Emancipation Proclamation claimed to fear that freed enslaved men would migrate to the city and take their jobs. Since Blacks were exempted from the draft the Draft Act only heightened fears of Black migration to the city. The violence against the Black community in New York as well as against abolitionists was substantial: the death toll reached upwards of 120 and numerous homes and churches were burned. Since most of the New York State Militia was fighting with Union troops at Gettysburg the New York Police Department was the only force on hand to deal with the rioters initially and they were badly outnumbered and underequipped. By day four of the riots five New York Militia units had reached the city along with the 26th Michigan Volunteers and the 27th Indiana Volunteers and were able to start restoring order. Eventually there were several thousand troops in the city and they brutally put down the remaining rioters. Almost immediately calls came to suspend the draft in New York most notably by Horatio Seymour the Governor of New York who wrote to Lincoln several times in the weeks which followed arguing against the constitutionality of the draft and the inequity in its application. Lincoln replied on August 7 refusing to acquiesce to Seymour's demands writing: "I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the Districts drawing however at first from each of the four Districts towit: the second fourth sixth and eighth . I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court or of the judges thereof on the constitutionality of the draft law. In fact I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it; but I can not consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending with an enemy who as I understand drives every able bodied man he can reach into his ranks very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted no argument is used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already in the field if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side if we first waste time to re-experiment with the volunteer system already deemed by congress and palpably in fact so far exhausted as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is constitutional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those who are already in it; and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action just and constitutional; and yet practical in performing the important duty with which I am charged of maintaining the unity and the free principles of our common country" Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln Vol. 6. Three days later on August 10 Lincoln signed the present order to resume the draft in the Second Congressional district of New York the western portion of Long Island primarily Nassau County and part of Queens County. This is the first draft order following his refusal to Governor Seymour to suspend the draft in the New York City area. In full manuscript accomplishments in brackets: "I Abraham Lincoln President of the United States of America and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof having taken into consideration the number of volunteers and militia furnished by and from the several States including the State New York and the period of service of said volunteers and militia since the commencement of the present rebellion in order to equalize the numbers among the Districts of the said States and having considered and allowed for the number already furnished as aforesaid and the time of their service aforesaid do hereby assign Two Thousand and Fifty 2050 as the first proportional part of the quota of troops to be furnished by the 2ndDistrict of the State of New York under this the first call made by me on the State of New York under the act approved March 3 1863 entitled 'An Act for Enrolling and Calling our the National Forces and for other purposes' and in pursuance of the act aforesaid I order that a draft be made in the said 2nd District of the State of New York for the number of men herein assigned to said District." On the same day as this order Lincoln would meet with Frederick Douglass at the White House to discuss his traveling through the south to recruit former slaves to fight for the Union. An extraordinary Lincoln document at a turning point moment in the Civil War. unknown books
1863rif. 372898New York 1863. 8pp. printed in six columns on a single folded sheet. Large folio. Disbound. Natural paper flaw to first leaf not affecting text of the Gettysburg Address. Cloth portfolio. 8pp. printed in six columns on a single folded sheet. Large folio. The complete issue of the New-York Tribune printing the Gettysburg Address on the morning of Nov. 20 1863 the first possible date of the speech's printing. The previous day Lincoln delivered his great address at the dedication of a cemetery on the Gettysburg battlefield four months after the bloody and pivotal battle that turned the tide of the Civil War in favor of the Union. Lincoln's speech was preceded by an address from Edward Everett the most famous orator of his day. Everett's speech took between ninety minutes and two hours to deliver and today is largely forgotten. Lincoln's speech delivered in only a few minutes stands as a supreme distillation of American values and of the sacrifices necessary for the survival of liberty and freedom. Much controversy surrounds the circumstances and content of the address as it was actually delivered at Gettysburg. The words spoken in the speech differ in the versions appearing in newspapers and the text which appeared in Washington several days later published as The Gettysburg Solemnities and known in only four copies which is now taken as the closest version to Lincoln's final intent because of its correspondence to the known manuscript versions. Interestingly and according to Carbonell the text of the first appearance of the speech in book form published a few days later as An Oration Delivered on the Battlefield of Gettysburg is taken largely from this New York Tribune printing. As it appears here the address corresponds closely to the transcription printed in the same day's edition of the New York Times with slight variations in punctuation and capitalization "Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new Nation." in the Tribune versus "Fourscore and seven years ago our Fathers brought forth on this Continent a new nation." in the Times e.g. The address is printed on the first page at the bottom of the fifth column running to the top of the sixth. Significantly it notes the five places during Lincoln's speech where applause broke out thereby providing an important historical record of the reception of the speech as it was delivered by Lincoln. It is noted that the conclusion of the speech was met with "long continued applause" and that "three cheers were here given for the President and the Governors of the States." Lincoln's speech is preceded by the opening prayer of the Rev. Thomas H. Stockton and followed by Everett's speech which occupies the rest of the sixth column and the vast majority of space on page two. War news occupies the other column space on the front page. Together with examples from other newspapers of Nov. 20 1863 this issue of the New-York Tribune represents the first appearance of any version of the Gettysburg Address in print although at some variance with the version Lincoln eventually disseminated. The exact order in which the morning editions of November 20 were printed is practically impossible to determine at this point and as Carbonell states "will almost certainly never be known." Rightfully so Carbonell includes all November 20 morning newspaper printings of the Gettysburg Address as his first entry with no priority. Suffice to say this is as early a printing of one of the foundational documents of American life as one can ever encounter. "Lincoln's speech composed on the train on the way to Gettysburg and written down according to tradition on scratch-paper and the backs of envelopes comprised ten sentences and took only a few minutes to deliver. From the first words - 'Four score and seven years ago' - to the last - 'that government of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth' - it is immortal one of the supreme utterances of the principles of democratic freedom" PMM. Carbonell 1. Grolier American 100 72 ref. Streeter Sale 1748 ref. PMM 351 ref. Howes E233 ref. Monaghan 192 ref. Paul M. Angle "Four Lincoln Firsts" in Papers of the Bibliographical Society 36 Spring 1942 pp.13-17 unknown books
1864rif. 369148New York 1864. 8pp. Oblong folio. Central fold with small fading else fine. 8pp. Oblong folio. Reads on left column in part: VICTORY! Glorious rsult Yesterday. Election of Lincoln and Johnson. Terrible Defeat of McClellan." Haedlines show a little editorializing even then. unknown books
1860rif. 367583New York: Office of the New York Tribune 1860. First edition Monaghan's first issue. 1 2-15 1pp. Lincoln's speech comprises pages 1-11 out of a total of 16 pages. With New York Tribune ads and subscription terms on rear wrapper. 8vo. Stitched self-wrappers minor toning minor chip to terminal leaf. First edition Monaghan's first issue. 1 2-15 1pp. Lincoln's speech comprises pages 1-11 out of a total of 16 pages. With New York Tribune ads and subscription terms on rear wrapper. 8vo. This address made at the Cooper Institute in New York on February 27 1860 catapulted Lincoln into the public eye and made him a viable presidential candidate. Indeed many historians have considered it the key to his success in the 1860 election and it is probably the most important speech Lincoln made after the Gettysburg Address and his inaugural addresses. The Cooper Union address was months in preparation; Lincoln was fully aware of its importance in moving himself from a regional favorite son to a viable national candidate. In the event some 1500 people including many prominent political figures attended on a snowy new York evening. The speech divides into three major parts. In the first Lincoln addressed the spread of slavery arguing that the framers of the constitution had been opposed to it and that the Federal government could regulate the question. In the second he argued that the Republicans were not a sectional Northern party and attacked the threats of southern Democrats to secede if the Republicans should win the election. Finally he addressed his fellow Republicans calling on them to act carefully and do "nothing through passion and ill temper.Let us have faith that right makes might and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it." The Cooper Union speech was a resounding success. Horace Greeley described it as "one of the happiest and most convincing political arguments ever made in this City. No man ever made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience." Greeley quickly issued the speech in the form of this "Tribune Tract." It includes a final page of advertisements for other Tribune publications. The speech was later widely reprinted and made Lincoln nationally famous. This printing differs from other editions by its inclusion of a speech by James Doolittle Senator from Wisconsin and the message of Samuel Medary Democratic governor of the Kansas Territory vetoing the Kansas abolition bill. "The Cooper Union address tested whether Lincoln's appeal could extend from the podium to the page and from the rollicking campaigns of the rural West to the urban East. Cooper Union held the promise of transforming Lincoln from a regional phenomenon to a national figure. Lincoln knew it and rose to the occasion" Harold Holzer Lincoln at the Copper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President. Monaghan 50 Office of the New York Tribune unknown books